THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS: 1066 A.D.

THE YEAR OF THE THREE KINGS

Today is the anniversary of the Battle of Hastings. Called by many historians one of the “Decisive Battles of History”, Hastings was the culmination of years of dynastic intrigue surrounding the English throne; following the death of the childless King Edward the Confessor. That year, 1066, saw England the prize in a three way war; a war of Three Kings.

Edward was raised in exile among his mother’s relatives at the court of Normandy during the kingship of the Danish conqueror, Canute the Great. Once on the throne of England, Edward favored his Norman kinsmen and friends. The 24 years of his reign were marked by tension between his English lords and Norman favorites.

The leader of the English nobility in opposition to Edward’s pro-Norman policy was the powerful Earl of Wessex, Godwin. Related to the House of Canute by marriage, he was leader of the strong Anglo-Danish faction of the English nobility and common folk. Eventually Godwin forced Edward’s Norman favorites out of England, becoming the “strong-man” behind the throne in Edward’s later years as king.

When Godwin died, his place beside Edward was taken by his strong son, Harold Godwinson, who inherited his father’s title of Earl of Wessex. Harold used his wealth and position at court to build a private army of Anglo-Danish warriors, called Huscarls (“House Men”). With these he defeated a coalition of rival English lords and the Welsh Prince, Gruffyd, from 1055-1057. He then warred successfully in Wales in 1063, killing Gruffyd and bringing peace to the Welsh Marches.

The following year, a momentous event occurred. Harold and his youngest brother were shipwrecked off the NormanCoast.

Normandy was ruled by the stern and capable Duke William (called “the Bastard”). A cousin (or half-nephew) of Edward the Confessor, William had been encouraged by the childless Edward to expect to be named as his heir. However, William had learned the lessons from earlier in Edward’s reign regarding English hostility to Norman influence; and knew he had to win over the powerful House of Wessex to his cause if he were to peacefully ascend to the English throne.

Fortune intervened in his favor when the Earl of Wessex himself washed ashore in 1064.

William rescued and entertained Harold that summer at his court at Rouen. He even took Harold on campaign with him against the rebel Count of Brittany; in the course of which Harold performed acts of heroism which earned him his “spurs” and the accolade of knighthood from William’s own hand.

Scene from the Bayeux Tapestry, depicting William knighting Harold Godwinson with his own hands

Little details remain and scholars argue over the depth of the two men’s friendship. It seems likely, though, that the two most powerful men of either side of the English Channel developed a respect for each other and friendship that goes far to explaining the enmity and sense of betrayal that underlines William’s later actions.

At some point, while at the court of Rouen, Harold was tricked into swearing, upon a box containing the bones of a long dead saint, to uphold William’s claim to the English throne. Such an oath carried great legal weight in 11th century Christian Europe; and Harold, once he realized what he had done, was said to have noticeably paled. Perhaps he had already set his own sights on Edward’s throne, and at that moment realized he had dangerously compromised his claim.

Harold returned to England, where events proceeded rapidly.

His brother, Tostig Godwinson, the Earl of Northumbria, had been ejected by his liegemen in favor of two sons of an earlier Earl. Recognizing his brother’s poor performance as Earl, and wishing to avoid civil war, Harold accepted the new Northumbrian Earls, the brothers Edwin and Morcar. In so doing, he earned Tostig’s enmity. Tostig fled England, and eventually arrived at the Norwegian court at Nidaros; where reigned the Norse king, Harald Sigurdson, called Hardrada (or Hardrede: “Hard-Council”, or “Harsh-Judgment”).

In 1065, Harald Hardrada was considered the greatest warrior in the North, if not in all Europe. Said to be seven-feet tall and broadly built, he had been a fighting man since old enough to wield a sword. As a young man in exile from his homeland, he had ventured to the distant Court of Byzantium. There he won a great renown (and an even larger fortune) as a leader of the famed Varangian Guard; the Scandinavian “corps de elite” of the East Roman Emperors.

Returning to Norway in 1047, he seized the throne that had once been his older brother’s. His subsequent reign had been a period of war and centralization; as he brought the turbulent and independent Norse landholders under royal authority. For many years he campaigned in Denmark as well, in an attempt to unite the two countries under his sword and recreate the Empire of Canute.

Tostig Godwinson found in Hardrada a patron with ready ear for intrigue. Between the two men, a scheme was hatched to invade England and unite Norway and England as one. What Canute had wrought two generations earlier, could not the Champion of the North do as well?

Meanwhile, in England, Edward the Confessor’s long reign finally came to an end in January of 1066. On his deathbed, he was said to have named Harold Godwinson as his heir; though in Normandy, William openly disputed this claim as an invention of his rival. The English proto-Parliament, called the Witan, met and elected Harold Godwinson King of England.

Harold was fully aware of the two other men prepared to contest the English throne. Throughout the summer of 1066, the English militia, called the Fyrd, stood ready on land and sea. Watch was kept along the coast, with the strong English fleet patrolling the English Channel. That year Haley’s Comet appeared over the European sky, and was called in England the “Fire-Drake” (fire dragon). Throughout the North, men saw this as an omen, heralding momentous events to come.

In Normandy, William prepared to back his claim to the throne of England with force of arms; and to avenge himself upon his erstwhile friend and oath-breaker, Harold. It was no small endeavor, and though they accepted the justice of their Lord’s claim, many a Norman lord looked upon William’splans with trepidation. William set about in the Spring of 1066 to bolster their resolve, and to gather recruits to his banner. In pursuance of this, he sought and received Papal support from Rome. The breaking of an oath, particularly when given upon the bones of a Catholic saint, was a serious legal offense in Medieval Europe. It also didn’t hurt William’s cause that all southern Italy and Sicily was controlled by the Norman Fitz-Tancred dynasty, who were the Pope’s chief defenders against his rival, the Holy Roman Emperor; and who were deferential to their Norman Duke back home.

Harald was subsequently excommunicated by the Pope, and a papal legate delivered to William a Papal banner, to symbolize the support of Holy Mother Church. This religious sanction gave William immeasurable political and psychological advantage. The morale of his vassals was greatly strengthened in the fearsome undertaking to come. It also encouraged pious adventurers from all over Northern France to flock to his banner, in order to win religious indulgence by smiting the “Usurper”, and perhaps new land in a conquered England.

Even with this Papal support, the conquest of England must have seemed a daunting task.

England was a far larger and, in theory, stronger country than the Duchy of Normandy. Her fleet controlled the channel, and William had nothing that could be called a navy to oppose the English “Sea Fyrd”.  This was manned by experienced seamen, captained by men who were in many cases former Vikings; and filled with detachments of axe-wielding Huscarls, experienced at fighting on shipboard.

On land, the Normans had the advantage of mailed cavalry, provided by William’s knights and vassals. The knights of Normandy were considered

the finest heavy cavalry in Western Europe; and had won battles from France to Sicily.  However, in 1066 it had yet to be shown that heavy cavalry could prevail over the steady, close-ordered infantry of the English “shieldwall”, perfected by English and Scandinavian armies over the previous three centuries. Harold’s Huscarls in particular had a fearsome reputation throughout Europe. These “knights who fight on foot” were all veteran professional warriors, many of whom had served in the Varangian Guard in their youth; or in the service of one of the various Scandinavian kings. Their five-foot Danish long-axes were said to be able to hack through shield and mail as if it were tissue!

William’s first task was to get his growing and now-eager host across the Channel, in the face of English naval superiority. With no apparent way to do so safely, William bided his time throughout the summer, waiting for fortune (and God) to send him the opportunity he needed.

All that summer of 1066,  England held its breath. Harold found himself in the unenviable position of having to surrender the initiative to his enemies. He could do naught but wait, and try to keep his levies in the field. Unfortunately for him, summer turned to fall and still his enemies failed to materialize. Feudal obligation demanded he disband the Fyrd, both by land and sea, so that this country militia could return to their farms and bring-in the autumn harvest.

No sooner had the levies gone home, than word arrived from the north of England that the opening of the three-way campaign of 1066 had come: Harald of Norway had landed near York. In September of 1066, Harald Hardraade and Tostig Godwinson invaded England, coming with a large invasion fleet of Viking longships and experienced Norse warriors. By the time word of the incursion reached Godwinson in London, the Norse had already met and routed the Northumbrian levies at the Battle of Gate Fulford. York was on the verge of surrendering.

In response, King Harold Godwinson forced-marched north with an army composed of his Huscarls and levies hastily gathered along the way. He arrived on September 25th , in time to intercept Hardrada  and the Norse army as they marched unarmored (though not unarmed) to accept the surrender of York. At a river crossing called Stamford Bridge, the two armies met.

For a while, the narrow bridge was held by a single, gigantic Norse warrior (whose name, sadly, is unrecorded). Time-and-again Harold sent forward

champions from his own Huscarls to clear the bridge. Each time, the Viking champion sent them back reeling. Finally, a Huscarl in a small boat worked his way under the bridge; and with a spear stabbed between the boards and under the Viking champion’s mail skirts. The Norse warrior fell, mortally wounded; and the English crossed the bridge.

Hardrada had used the time gained to prepare his host for battle. As the English now approached the Norse shieldwall, deployed beneath King Harald’s raven banner known as ”Landwaster”,  Tostig Godwinson came out to parlay with his estranged brother. King Harold offered his brother clemency if he would surrender himself. But when asked what terms he offered Tostig’s ally, Harald of Norway, the reply was “Six feet of English earth to be buried in (or as much more as necessary, as King Harald is larger than most men”!

With that, a ferocious battle erupted. Though mighty warriors, the Norse suffered from their lack of armor; and though they had few archers, an English bowman struck the decisive blow when an arrow struck Hardrada in his unprotected throat. Even after their famous lord was slain, the Norse fought on. Reinforcements arrived under Hardrada’s Marshal, Eyestein, from their distant ships; but these were exhausted by their long run from the coast to the battle. These too were defeated, and within hours of its beginning the battle ended with the routing of the Norwegian army; with both Hardrada and Tostig Godwinson slain.

Though the redoubtable Hardrada was thus dispatched, Harald Godwinson found no time to savor his triumph. While still at York, dire word reached him that William the Bastard had crossed the Channel, landing near Pevensey.

In the absence of the English naval levies that had been dismissed with the coming of autumn, William had taken advantage of unexpectedly good sailing weather and his rival’s distraction in the North to pounce upon England like a leopard upon his prey! Taking advantage of the opportunity the late season and the Norwegian invasion had given him, William and his Normans crossed the channel on the 28th of September, just two days after Stamford Bridge.

The Norman army of 1066 has variously been estimated as high as 60,000 (William of Poitiers) and as low as 4,000 strong. Christopher Gravett of the Royal Armories plausibly places their number at the lower end of the spectrum: 2,000 chivalric horse, 4,000 heavy foot, and 1,500 bowmen; for a total of 7,500.

After establishing a base near the coast, William needed to find a way to bring Harald to battle quickly. He knew that time was against him: if the full English levy could be reconstituted, the numbers against him would preclude a successful battle; and his invasion force could be easily contained and starved in Kent. With winter coming, the Channel crossing would be closed, and his supply line from Normandy cut. He needed a battle soon, before Harold could gather additional strength and his supplies grew scarce.

To lure his enemy south, William employed a strategy of devastation. Spreading out from their base near Hastings, Norman mounted detachments pillaged deep into Sussex; lands that were once part of the Earl of Wessex’s demesne. This was more than just a raid to replenish supplies: it was a personal insult and challenge to King Harold, to defend his people if he dare!

Harold had not been sluggish in responding to the Norman invasion. Five days after receiving news of Williams landing, he was back in London. After a rest of several days, allowing some of his levies to arrive back from their fields, his army moved south toward the Normans at Hastings.

On the early evening of 13th of October, 1066, the last Saxon King of England leading the last Saxon army arrived at the fixed muster place: Caldbec Hill. Directly to the south, the London-Hastings road passed over a ridge and descended into marshy valley before rising up and over another rise, Telham Hill. It was to the northernmost of these rises that Harold would on the morrow array his army: Santlache (“Sandy Stream”) Hill; later punned by the Normans as Senlac (“Blood Lake”) Hill.

The Normans spent the night of the 13th and early morning of the 14th in prayer and confession; the English likely in the deep sleep of the exhausted. At daybreak, William led his army out of camp toward Telham hill; arriving there in about an hour. Telham Hill was just 800 yards from where Harold was arraying his forces on Senlac. As the Norman column mounting the hill, William paused to survey the scene.

Senlac Hill as viewed from below. The Battle Abbey was build atop the position of the Saxon Shieldwall. The slope, eroded by centuries of rain-runoff, would have been steeper in 1066AD

His eyes would have taken in the terrain and position of his enemy just north of his own: the Saxon army deployed on the ridge of Senlac Hill, directly across from his position. He could see that their array took up the whole ridge from end to end, some 800 yards long, and ten ranks deep!

The English were arrayed in their traditional “shieldwall” formation. To William it would have appeared as a densely packed, brightly painted rampart of shields, with the new-day sun glinting off the mail shirts and polished helmets, the spear-heads and axe blades of the warriors arrayed behind it. Their front ranks would have comprised the best armed and equipped men in the English host: Huscarls, and the leading thegns and their retainers. Behind these would be the more numerous and lightly men of the Fyrd. All would have been similarly armed with spear or Great-axe, sword and dagger, and often tomahawk-like belt axes for throwing at the enemy prior to contact (the Bayeux Tapestry, woven later by ladies of the Norman court, depicts the Saxons hurling hammers and maces as well) .

The shields of the English shieldwall would have been one of three types, as depicted by the Bayeux Tapestry. Most often shown is a “kite shield”, the same that was carried by their Norman enemy. These were long shields round on the top and pointed at the bottom. The second most depicted shield was a concave round (lentoid) shield, held by a central grip behind a large center iron “boss”. This shield type differs from the more familiar “Viking” round shield, which was flat and not concave. Experiments in recent years with these type of shields have shown them to be amazingly strong and resistant to impact. The third type, shown on only a few panels, is a rectangular or oval shield with rounded corners, not dissimilar to a later Roman scuta, or rectangular shields of the Rus.

Whatever their design, the English shields that formed the shieldwall at Senlac were drawn-up tightly together, likely overlapping; and covered the ridgeline from end-to-end.

The English numbers are as controversial as those of the Normans. Medieval chroniclers numbered them a preposterous 30,000; though a more realistic number would be about that of his rival: 7,000. Of these, the Huscarls were the professional and most effective part. But these had been sorely tried at Stamford Bridge; and were unlikely to have numbered more than 2,000 at the battle.

William would have noted that the ground directly separating Telham from Senlac was firm, a sort of saddle between the two hills. But immediately to either flank, on the east and west, the ground became marshy as two separate steams began on either side of the saddle. Behind and to the flanks of Senlac, the ground fell off more steeply, and was heavily wooded to the rear. Thus the fight to come would be straight forward, with little opportunity for the Normans to flank, or the Saxons to withdraw.

At 8:00 am, the Norman columns filed down from Telham and deployed in the valley below Senlac. William sent his men forth with the stirring words, “Now is the time to show your strength and the courage that is yours! There is no road for retreat!” They knew they must conquer or perish!

To the left, taking station on the western flank of William’s army, was the Breton contingent. To the right, forming on the eastern flank, were the Flemings. And in the center, opposite Harold’s own twin standards of the Wessex Dragon and The Fighting Man, were Duke William and his indomitable Normans.

Each of these three divisions were arrayed identically, in three lines. The first ranks were archers, the second heavy-armed foot, and the third and final comprised the chivalric heavy cavalry.

 

The battle commenced at the start of the third watch, or 9 am. A brazen peal of trumpets sounded, signaling the Norman onslaught!

The archers of the first line advanced to bow range, and at 100 yards began the battle with a barrage of arrows. Up they flew, towards the hedge of overlapping shields. Like a hail storm, the feathered shafts clattered against the interlocked shields! Due to the angle of fire and the protection afforded the Saxons by their shieldburg, the arrow storm did little damage; mostly bouncing from the shields or sticking harmlessly in their wood and leather faces.

As the archers passed back through the ranks to replenish their quivers from supplies in the rear, William sent in the second line of armored footmen, who now advanced up Senlac’s slope.

As they ascended the slope, the waiting English replied with a din of their own: weapons clanging on shields, and cries of “Holy Cross!” and “Godemite!” (God Almighty), and “Ut! Ut!”, (Out, Out!). As the Norman foot neared the shieldwall, its ranks opened, and out came a shower of throwing weapons! Axes and javelins, rocks thrown by hand or sling, and even maces and hammers designed to be slung at the foe! Under this fusillade the Norman ranks gave back a step, and fell never to rise again.

Modern Reenactors reflect the fierce resolve of the Saxon shieldwall to repel the Norman assault with cries of, “Ut!”

Advancing onward, the Norman footmen charged the last few yards into the shieldwall, and a brief and terrible flurry of blows followed! Back they staggered, away from the shieldburg, as the spears and Great Axes took a fearsome toll. Though competent soldiers, the Norman foot were no match for these fearsome victors of Stamford Bridge.

A retreat began all along the line, and the Norman foot was soon falling back down the hill in mass.

Now the trumpets sounded again, and as the Norman infantry licked their wounds and regrouped in the valley below, the banners and lances of the Norman Chivalry fluttered and dipped all along the valley floor. Forward they surged, the mailed cavalry of Northern France, the proudest warriors in Christendom! First at a trot, then a canter, stretching into a gallop as they pounded up the gentle slopes of Senlac!

In the center, in front of William and his banner, the gallant troubadour Taillefer (“Cut Iron”), the Duke’s own minstrel, led the charge. To him had been granted the privilege of striking the first blow amongst all the Chivalry. As his horse ascended the slope of Senlac, far outdistancing those behind him, Taillefer tossed his lance into the air and caught it repeatedly, all the while singing verses from “The Song of Roland”!

At the top of the ridge, English champions stepped forward to meet him. The first he slew with his lance, a second went down before his gleaming blade. The third, a giant Huscarl, brought his Great Axe down in a ferocious swing, which struck the minstrel on his unwarded right side; toppling him from his horse and cleaving the gallant troubadour from shoulder to belly in a single mighty cut!

Behind the fallen Taillefer, the charging ranks of mailed knights came over the top of the ridge, only to be brought to an abrupt halt before the stolid shieldburg! Even the best trained destrier will not collide with a solid object. And so long as the shieldwall remained steady, no Norman could force his horse through that barrier of shields!

Instead, as their charge was stopped, the Norman knights and men-at-arms hurled their lances at the Saxon masses. Or used lance or sword to stab and slash from high atop their rearing chargers at the heads and shoulders of the English warriors behind their shields.

The terrible English long-axes struck back, cleaving and hacking down man and horse. In one recorded incident ( likely repeated up and down the line of battle) a hulking Huscarl, swinging his axe from his left shoulder, hacked off a Norman horse’s head with a single blow! As the Norman’s horse collapsed where it stood, his second swing cleaved the rider in twain as well!

Man and beast could not stand such carnage for long. Beginning on the Norman left, where the riders of Brittany fought, and cascading down the whole Norman line, the cavalry began to give way. In seconds,  retreat became rout on the left as the Bretons spurred their horses in panic away from those terrible axes! The Normans in the center and Flemings on the right likewise retreated, albeit grudgingly, down the hill, toward the shelter of their reformed infantry ranks.

As sometimes happens at desperate moments, a wild rumor spread through the Norman host like a summer blaze in tall grass: “The Duke is slain! The day is lost! Save yourselves!”

At that moment of crises, the fate of England hung in the balance. In moments, the entire Norman army could be following the Bretons in panic, off the field and stampeding back toward the false security of their camp.

But fate took a different turn. William, still alive though slightly wounded in the previous skirmishing atop the hill, rode forward through his milling warriors. Pushing back helmet so his face was clearly discernible to all, he roared, “What is this madness that makes you fly?? Look at me well! I am alive, and by the grace of God I shall yet prove the victor!!” Thus, with Count Eustace of Boulogne at his side carrying the Papal banner of Holy Cross, William rallied his wavering army.

 “By the grace of God I shall yet prove the victor!” William  (1) reveals himself to his faltering men; while Odo, the fighting Bishop  of Bayeux (2), his half-brother, points to the Duke

Meanwhile, on the Norman left, the truly panicking Breton contingent had fled down the slopes and into the boggy ground beyond the left flank of the battle. Seeing their discomfort, the undisciplined English rustics of the Fyrd who fleshed out the right-wing of the Saxon line, sensed victory and went charging after them. Down the hill they ran, pursuing and in places catching the fleeing Bretons.

William spied the debacle developing on his left flank; and taking what knights he had at hand, galloped across the field and into the rear of the pursuing Fyrdmen. In an instant, pursuers were cut off from their own lines, and became fugitives!

A small hillock rose out of the boggy ground there, and the English rallied upon it and attempted a stand. But William and his knights set upon them, as did the now returning Bretons. Massacre ensued, as Harold, refusing to leave his strong position on top of Senlac, could do nothing to help his subjects who had disobeyed his order to hold the line!

Though in the balance the morning had gone well for Harold and the Saxons, it had not been without cost. In the tightly packed shieldwall, the wounded could hardly withdraw to the rear for first-aid. The king’s own two brothers, Gyrth and Leofwine, have been cut down fighting and commanding from the front ranks.  (One theory regarding this portion of the battle has one or both of Harold’s brothers leading the charge of the right-wing down the hill after the fleeing Bretons. Both are cut down during William’s counter-attack, causing the English attack to falter and ultimately fail.)

As the noon hour came and passed, both armies took a break to rest and reorganize themselves. Both sides had taken serious casualties, and horse and man needed both food and water before continuing the struggle.

William must have had some concern, for as early afternoon wore on, the English still stood firm though somewhat thinner atop Senlac. He had to dislodge them! Come nightfall, if the English army remained he must return to his camp in defeat. Morale would plummet. Supplies would run low, as foraging far from the camp would be impossible with an English army intact on Senlac. Defeat was not an option: by nightfall, he had to find a way to dislodge the Saxons from Senlac.

By mid-afternoon, the battle began again. This time, Norman foot and horse advanced up the hill in “Conroi”, individual groups fighting beneath the banners of their liege Lords. Such units gave the Normans great small unit flexibility, and allowed one group to rest while another assaulted the Saxon line.

Noticing the effect the Breton’s panicked flight had on the integrity of the shieldwall, William ordered his Conroi to alternately feign such flight as the Breton’s had displayed earlier. This tactic succeeded brilliantly all through that afternoon, as small groups of knights would suddenly wheel their horses about and gallop down the hill in mock panic. Small groups of over-excited Saxons would give chase, leaving the safety of the shieldwall and pursuing the fleeing Frenchmen down the slope. Before they reached their quarry, however, other bands of knights would wheel around their flanks and cut off their retreat. In moments the pursing English were savaged and hacked down from all sides by Norman cavalry.

Many acts of bravery and boldness are recorded during that long afternoon’s skirmishing.

At one point a Norman knight, Robert fitz Ernie, cut his way clear through to Harold’s Fighting Man standard, only to be hewed to the ground by the axes of the Huscarls about their King.  Bishop Odo, William’s half-Brother, fought throughout the day with a mace in hand: being a churchman, shedding a man’s blood with sword or lance was unacceptable; but smashing his bones with mace or club was! In another incident, a Saxon warrior ducked under the Duke’s lance-point, and dented William’s helmet with a mighty axe blow; before dodging back into the shelter of the shieldwall. The fighting was so fierce, in fact, that William is said to have had three horses killed beneath him in the course of the day!

As Norman “Conrois” charge the English shieldwall, Odo Bishop of Bayeux fights with mace in hand, in order not to “shed blood”

Despite minor tactical successes, by early evening, with the sun setting over the western forests, William’s situation was growing desperate. The English still held the hill. And though thinned out greatly, they showed no sign of breaking.

William had time for one last throw of the dice.

Reordering his ranks, he now brought up his archers again, for the first time since the morning. Ordering them to aim high, William’s archers now rained arrows down in a falling trajectory upon the now not-so-tightly packed and well-ordered shieldwall.

At this junction of the battle, disaster struck the English. Apparently looking up at the wrong moment, King Harold was struck in the eye by an arrow! Though not immediately mortal, the wound effectively took him out of the fight, as he writhed in pain in the rear of his host.

With a final flourish of trumpets, the Norman knights now charged one last time. Unable to hold the whole of the hilltop with their diminished number, the English shieldwall had contracted itself around its center; leaving the ends of the hilltop undefended. Here a wedge of Norman knights, all of whom swore an oath not to return alive if they failed to slay Harold, gained a foothold for the first time that day. On flat ground now, they spurred into the tired Fyrdmen and few remaining Huscarls gathered around the Royal standards. Too exhausted to keep them out, the horseman pushed into the shieldwall, hacking and slashing their way to where Harold stood beneath his standard.

The tapestry shows here a Norman knight reaching a figure thought to be the King, and with a downward cut hews deep into the King’s thigh. The caption above this portion of the tapestry reads “Here King Harold was Killed”. It is therefore believed that the Norman’s pushed through and slew the wounded Harold beneath the Wessex Dragon.

With the sun setting upon their fallen King, the English army now broke apart and fled back into the woods to their rear. In the gathering gloom, pursing Normans were repulsed by stubborn and vengeful Huscarls. But with the darkness come, the battle was over.

1066 a watershed year in history. The Viking Age came to a close, with the death of Harald Hardrada and the destruction of his army at Stamford Bridge. This would prove the last great attempt by a Scandinavian king to conquer the British Isles. Christianity had come to the North, and a Great-grandson of Hardrada would lead a Norwegian contingent to the Crusades. The Scandinavian kings would take their place in Europe not as pagan enemies, but as Christian colleagues.

The Battle of Senlac Hill, or Hastings as it is more popularly known, was a decisive battle of European history, and a turning point for England. Had the Saxons prevailed, England would have remained as it was and had been since Alfred the Great: a strong nation, but one outside the tides of European mainstream; more Scandinavian in outlook than continental.

By falling under Norman rule, England was pulled firmly into European affairs. Within a few generations of the Conquest, England was at the center of a vast Western European empire that controlled more of the lands of France than did that land’s king: The Plantagenet Empire of Henry II. And though French became the language of the English aristocracy for the next two centuries, the Norman lords came to think of themselves not as Frenchmen, but as Englishman.

Both the Normans and the conquered Saxons learned and benefited from each other. The Norman barons gained the Englishman’s love of liberty, personal freedom, inalienable rights, and the Scandinavian-derived concept of parliamentary governance; which in time would lead to the Magna Charta and Simon de Montfort. Unlike their cousins who remained on the continent, the French who settled in England inherited from their Saxon subjects a proud unwillingness to accept absolutism at face value, and to fight their king when necessary to protect their rights.

The Saxons would gain the vitality and boldness of the Normans, and no longer be the insular, inward looking people they once were. The melding of the two races created an English race that would one day create the British Empire, the greatest empire since Rome; and the United States of America, the greatest forces for good the world has ever known.

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THE LAST HURRAH OF THE WINGED HUSSARS

We saw it…. the hussars let loose their horses.  God, what power! They ran through the smoke and the sound was like that of a thousand blacksmiths beating with a thousand hammers. We saw it…Jezus Maria! The elite’s lances bent forward like stalks of rye, driven by a great storm, bent on glory! The fire of the guns before them glitters! They rush on to the Swedes! They crash into the Swedish reiters (cavalry)…. Overwhelming them! They crash into the second regiment – Overwhelmed! Resistance collapses, dissolves, they move forward as easily as if they were parading on a grand boulevard. They sliced without effort through the whole army…”        from Potop (“The Deluge”), by Henry Sienkievich

This breathless account of a 17th century battle captures well the furious  charge of the famed  Polish “Winged Hussars”.  For roughly a century (1576-1683) they were the premiere cavalry in Europe (if not the world). In battle-after-battle, their crushing charge dealt the coup-de-grace to every enemy they faced. While suffering the occasional (even crushing) defeat, their century-long record of success is unsurpassed in the annals of cavalry warfare.

The Husaria towarzysz (“comrades”) were armored horsemen, their primary weapon the very long (and light) kopia. This differed from the standard lance of the Medieval knights in that it was hollow, thus allowing greater length without commensurate weight. Many have opined as to the reason for the great length of the 18-21 foot kopia was to give the lancer greater reach in order to defeat infantry pike formations. But such action is only apparent in one battle of the many the Husaria engaged in; and accounts differ as to wither or not the enemy square was broken by flank or frontal attack.

As backup weapon, the Hussar carried a variety of weapons: sabre, long sword, mace and even war-hammer! Pistols, musketoons, and even composite bows could be carried as well.

The most famous piece of a Hussar’s equipment was his wings.

These varied over the heyday of the Husaria, from mere wings painted on or hanging from the Hussars shield; to two large  ”skoklosters”, hooped wooden frames onto which eagle feathers were attached. These latter were mounted on the Hussars back, or the back of his saddle.

The purpose of the wings in controversial. Some writers noted that they made a frightening noise when the Hussar was at a gallop. Others that the wings fluttering had the effect of frightening enemy horses unaccustomed to the sight, causing enemy cavalry charges against a formation of Hussars to falter. It has also been suggested that the wing-frames may have acted to deflect Tartar lasso or enemy sabre cuts.

All that we know for sure is that they lent the Hussars a unique and spectacular appearance.

Though for a time the strongest state in Eastern Europe, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was beset by a plethora of  enemies. Though its Hussars could tip the scales and win battles, these were a relatively small, elite force; never exceeding 3,000 armored lancers. Despite such battlefield successes as they enjoyed, the far-flung kingdom was beset on all sides by aggressive neighbors. Ultimately Poland was for time overrun and on the verge of collapse (the “Deluge”, 1648-1667).

But Poland reemerged, and in 1683 under its heroic king, Jan Sobieski, the Hussars  enjoyed their most celebrated success; riding forth to save Europe one last time from the tide of Islam!

Since its imergence in the early 7th century, Islam had been battering at the gates of “Christendom”. The early surge of Muslim invasion overran much of the Christian Eastern Roman (“Byzantine”) Empire, taking Syria, Egypt, and North Africa. Crossing into Spain, the Muslim Moors destroyed the Visigoth Kingdom, establishing first an Emirate and later a break-away Caliphate, centered on Cordoba.

This first onrush of the Muslim tide was stopped in the east at the Anatolian mountains by successive Byzantine soldier-Emperors. In the west, Muslim conquest was stopped by the Frankish hero, Charles Martel (“the Hammer”), deep in France at the Battle of Tours (732 AD).

After fighting off Christian Europe’s attempt to regain the lost territories of Syria and Palestine (the “Holy Land”) during the period known as the “Crusades”; Islam was once again on the march into Europe. From the 14th century onward, under the Ottoman Sultans of Turkey, the borders of Islam had advanced steadily into Eastern Europe.

An outgrowth of a militant “Ghazi” state on the frontiers of the fading Byzantine Empire, the Ottoman state was the dominant Muslim power in the world from the 15th century onward. Its Sultans, adopting for themselves the titles of “Defender of the Faithful” and “Sword of Islam”; saw their mission as one of pushing the militant frontiers of Islam deep into the Christian lands of Europe.

In 1453, the Turks captured Constantinople, the decaying capital of ancient Byzantine. In the following decades, the Turks battled their way into Serbia, Wallachia, and Bosnia. In 1526 the Turks conquered the Kingdom of Hungry, following the (for the Christians) disastrous  Battle of Mohács.

In 1529,  the Ottoman Sultan  Suleiman “the Magnificent” marched into the heart of Europe; attempting to capture the city of Vienna, capital of the Hapsburg-led Holy Roman Empire. This first Siege of Vienna ended in failure for the Turks; temporarily halting their advance.

The central Balkans became the frontier between Christian and Muslim for the next century-and-a-half; in a desultory war of raid and counter raid. Then, in 1683, the Turks were back, again laying siege to the Hapsburg capital, Vienna.

Europe may have looked ripe for conquest to the Sultans and their viziers in Constantinople (later Istanbul). The Protestant Reformation had given rise to the Wars of Religion in France; and  the  devastating 30 Years War in Germany (which killed an estimated 25%-40% of the population).  Though the Peace of Westphalia had brought active hostilities to a close, the Protestant and Catholic states were still deeply divided.

Europe was not only divided along religious lines, but along national lines as well. Poland was not the only nation beset by troublesome neighbors. The Hapsburg rulers of Austria were under pressure from the expansionist policies of the French “Sun King“, Louis XIV; who was pushing the borders of France into Alsace-Lorraine and the Rhineland. This threat to their German possessions had Hapsburg Austria fixated on their western borders.

Against this backdrop, the Turks prepared for a renewed thrust into central Europe. Carefull preparation over many years, building up supply depots, repairing roads, and the massing of troops came to fruition  in 1683. A massive Turkish army (estimated by various sources as between 150,000 and 300,000 strong), led by the Grand Vizier Kara Mustafa, marched north from Adrianople on April 2, 1683. Their goal: the conquest of Vienna!

By mid-July, the Turks were before the city. The second siege of Vienna began.

From July 14, when the Turks began bombarding the city with 300 guns, till mid-September the siege went on. Though the garrison was small (only some 2,000 troops, augmented by civilian militia) and the defenses incomplete; the city held out desperately. Much of the battle was conducted underground, where Turkish miners, tunneling under the defenses and attempting to plant explosives, were met by Austrian counter-mines. Fierce battles took place above and below ground; with the defenders slowly losing ground.

The Turks swarm forward into a breach in the defensives, while Austrian defenders stand firmly against them!

By September, the city was in desperate straits, and its fall was imminent. The century-and-a-half long goal of the Ottoman Sultans, to seize Vienna and use it as a spring-board for Muslim expansion into the heart of Europe, seemed within their grasp.

Fortunately for Vienna and Christian Europe, the Muslim tide was about to break upon a rock; a Polish rock!

In early September, a relief force was coming to the city’s aid. This coalition force consisted of 47,000 troops from Austrian and Holy Roman Empire (Germans) led by Charles Duke of Lorraine; and a Polish army some 37,000 strong, led by King Jan Sobieski. The cream of this force was the Husaria, 3,000 strong.

On September 1o, the coalition army formed made its way through the Wienerwald, the series of forested hills ringing Vienna to the south and west. Their destination was the Kahlenberg ridge overlooking the Vienna plain, where lay the Turkish camp. It was incredibly rough going; the terrain cut by ravines and valleys, vineyards and stone walls. slowly the allied contingents pushed through. Fortunately for the allies and for the city, the Turks did little to oppose their advance; as Kara Mustafa concentrated on capturing the city before the relief force could arrive. This failure to oppose the allies in the difficult terrain of the Wienerwald was to prove a fatal error.

On the morning of September 12, the allies had obtained their goal; and were poised to attack onto the plain. Still, there were villages, hills, and orchards between them and their target, the Turkish army. It would take most of the day to push through into the relatively flat plains where the Polish cavalry could charge with effect.

Kara Mustafa could no longer ignore the coming relief force. Leaving troops to continue the assault on the city, he deployed the bulk of his army in line facing the allies advancing from the Kahlenberg ridge.

All day long the allied infantry, supported by artillery hauled at great pains through the forested Wienerwald, slogged forward through the broken terrain.  Lorraine and his sub-commanders found themselves fighting countless minor skirmishes over every farmhouse and vineyard, as the allied forces inched forward.

On the allied right, Sobieski and the Polish forces were the last to arrive in position, having the furthest to travel and very tough terrain to traverse. Finally, at 1 PM the Poles were in position atop the Kahlenberg. The advance was led by infantry as they pushed through broken terrain, clearing away Turkish skirmishers and brushing off periodic attacks. At 2 PM, the Polish Royal Army came in-line with the rest of the struggling allies. A great cheer rose from the Imperial troops, greeting the Poles’ arrival.

By 4PM the Polish advance had reached the flat ground necessary for a successful charge. Now the Hussars moved to the front, through the intervals in the infantry line. Their feathered wings and bright lance pennants fluttering in the breeze, they were by all accounts a splendid and impressive sight.

First a few companies were detailed to probe the enemy’s center, where they succeeded in disordering the Turkish first line. As the Poles withdrew, the Ottoman commander on the Turkish left must have thought the Poles were now vulnerable to counter-attack; and ordered the Ottoman cavalry on that wing to attack Sobieski’s horsemen.

Clearing a last line of vineyards, the Hussars now began a charge in mass. With the cry of “Jezus Maria ratuj“, the password of the day on their lips, and their king at their head, the Poles advanced at a canter. The Imperial infantry to their left paused in their own attack to take in the awe-inspiring sight. At 50 paces, with the order “Zlozcie kopie” (“lower lances!”) the Hussars broke into full gallop, lances lowering like “stalks of rye in the wind”. Into the oncoming Turkish cavalry, Sipahis and akinci, they tore!

A witness to the charge wrote:

“No sooner does a Hussar lower his lance than a Turk is impaled on its spike; disordering and terrifying the foe. That blow cannot be avoided or deflected…Oft transfixing two persons at a time. Others flee in eager haste… Like flies in a frenzy!”

Scattering the Turkish outriders, Sobieski now ordered the Hussars to charge home against the center of the Turkish camp. With an audible crash and shattering of lances they smashed home into the Janissaries. The Turkish line recoiled, and after receiving still another charge from the far-right squadrons of Polish horse crumbled. Soon the entire Turkish line was fleeing headlong in a disorderly mob from the pursuing Hussars.

The siege was over, and Vienna was saved. The Turkish drive into central Europe ended in defeat; and in the coming years the Imperial forces, led by the brilliant Prince Eugene of Savoy would drive the Turks out of Hungary entirely.

But the laurels that autumn day in 1683 belonged to Jan Sobieski and the Polish “Winged Hussars” he led. This was their last hurrah, a glorious final charge  that helped to save the West from Muslim domination. But advances in fire-arms and artillery, as well as the expense of maintaining them would soon make the Hussars obsolete.

As writers of the day noted, the Hussar was a specialist, good for only one thing: to charge spectacularly in battle and break the enemy. They were no good at the sundry other common-place duties necessary for cavalry on campaign. Their place would be taken by cheaper, more versatile dragoons and light cavalry. But as one military observer of the day noted:

“Like the heavy artillery, most of the time they are but a burden on the baggage train.” But like the heavy artillery, when used for which they are designed, nothing is better! “Good for only one day of battle? Yes, but what a day of decision!”

_________________________________________________________

For a more hyperbolic view of  the Winged Hussars, go to Badass of the Week’s take:

“…it’s time that the Polish cavalry – and particularly the Winged Hussars – get appropriately recognized as one of the most eye-skeweringly hardcore
associations of asskickers ever assembled.  These daring, brave,
unabashedly-feathered badasses crushed throats up and down Europe for two centuries, annihilating battle-tested armies three times their size with nothing more than a huge-ass lance, an awesome set of ultra-cool wings, and a gym bag full of iron-plated armor ballsacks.”

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MEET THE SPARTANS (Part Six)

THE REAL STORY OF THE WARRIOR-HEROES OF ANCIENT GREECE!

“For the Spartans, it wasn’t walls or magnificent public buildings that made a city; it was their own ideals. In essence, Sparta was a city of the head and the heart. And it existed in its purest form in the disciplined march of a hoplite phalanx on their way to war!” – Bettany Hughes, writer/historian.

(For Part Five, go here)

THE PEACE OF NICIAS

Signed in 421, the Peace of Nicias ended the first half of the Peloponnesian War. It came none too soon for the belligerents.

Both sides were exhausted, having seen the tides of war shift back and forth. For the Spartans, the war had seen the legend of her soldier’s invincibility in battle shaken; with Spartans surrendering (!)  at Sphacteria Island, and Athens putting the 292 prisoners on display. Brasidas had partially retrieved Sparta’s reputation and fortunes with his brilliantly-conceived northern campaign. But this hero’s death at Amphipolis had taken the heart out of the city and deprived it of its greatest commander.

Athens had suffered as well in this decade of war against the Peloponnesians and their allies. In 424, an Athenian attempt to knock Thebes out of the war ended in disastrous defeat at the Battle of Delium. This, combined with the effect Brasidas’ northern campaign and the loss of Amphipolis had on their position in the northern Aegean, made peace as desirable for them as well. With the bellicose demagogue Cleon the Tanner killed as well at Amphipolis, the way was cleared politically at Athens for a treaty to be signed.

Negotiated primarily by the Spartan king Pleistoanax and the Athenian statesman Nicias, under its terms both parties were prohibited from taking up arms against the other (or the other’s allies). Both would return nearly everything conquered during the war; though Athens would retain possession of the captured Megaran port of Nisaea; and Thebes would keep captured Plataea. Sparta offered to return Amphipolis, with the proviso that the inhabitants could leave the city with their possessions if they didn’t wish to be under Athenian rule.  Additionally, the Athenians were prohibited from making war upon the Greek cities of the Chalcidice, freed by Brasidas, or forcing these to become “allies” of their empire; provided these cities of the former Delian League (an alliance of Aegean cities formed to help in the war against Persia) paid the League tribute established in the time of Aristides. Of course, Amphipolis was an exception to this clause, being returned to Athens; with-or-without the inhabitants!

Perhaps most importantly for Sparta, Athens agreed to release the Spartans taken at Sphacteria. These had languished in humiliating captivity since 424, and included 120 true Spartiates.

Astonishing to Sparta’s anti-Athenian allies (particularly Corinth and Thebes), the treaty returned Sparta and Athens to the status of allies they had enjoyed during the Persian War. Each now pledged to come to the other’s aid if attacked.

Seventeen representatives from each side swore an oath to uphold the treaty, which was meant to last for fifty years. Among the Spartan representatives was Tellis, father of the fallen hero Brasidas.

BATTLE OF MANTINEA (418 BC)

The terms of the treaty pleased few of Sparta’s allies, who had gone to war with the intent of humbling Athens and breaking her power. The Athenian Empire was still strong, and left in possession of territories wanted by some of these enemies. Disillusioned with Sparta’s ineffectual conduct of the war and willingness to make peace (and alliance!) without victory, many of these now turned away from Spartan leadership.

Corinth, Megara, Thebes, and Elis refused to accept the terms of the peace.

Sphacteria had shown that Sparta was not invincible. This emboldened these disaffected Peloponnesian states to align against her. Many of these were democratic and unsympathetic with Sparta’s traditional oligarchic stance. Others saw a chance, after a century of Spartan dominance, to assert their independence.

At the instigation of Corinth, these disaffected Spartan allied cities turned to Argos, Sparta’s traditional rival in the Peloponnese for leadership.

The Argives had always hated Sparta, and suffered crushing defeat against them during the reign of Cleomenes I, before the Persian War. Since then, Argos had remained mostly    quite, nursing her grudges and biding her time. She had remained neutral during the war, and thus her economy and strength were still sound.

The Argives now formed a secret anti-Spartan alliance of their own. Along with Corinth, the democratic states of Mantinea and Elis joined their fellow democratic Argos. Too weak to openly oppose both Sparta and Athens, this alliance remained secret for the time being.

Perhaps these anti-Spartan allies knew that the Peace of Nicias would never last. That once each had licked their wounds and recovered their strength, these two diametrically opposed cities would once again be at odds.

Athens was the first to violate the terms of the peace. Refusing to withdraw from its fortified base at Pylos, which they had garrisoned with liberated and armed helots; the Athenians demanded that Sparta bring her disaffected allies to heal, forcing them to accept peace with Athens. This could mean making war on its own allies, affectively destroying the Spartan Alliance. This Sparta would not do. To make matters worse from the Athenian perspective, the ephors renewed the alliance with Thebes; despite that city still being (technically) at war with Athens.

In Athens, the elder statesman Nicias found himself defending the peace that bore his name; as the volatile Athenians turned against it. Their expectations of a fully-restored Athenian Empire were unfulfilled. In the north, the people of  Amphipolis  refused to hand over their city as the Peace of Nicias outlined; and the other cities of the Chalcidice, freed by Brasidas, were still in arms against Athens. Under the terms of the peace, the Theban refusal to make peace should have evoked a Spartan attack; instead, Sparta renewed her Theban alliance. Anti-Spartan sentiment was again on the rise.

Nicias and those on the side of peace found themselves up against the machinations of a rising young star in the city’s politics: Alcibiades. A relative and former ward of the late Pericles, Alcibiades had wealth, wit, good looks and boundless ambition. He was also completely lacking in scruples, and was willing to do anything to advance his own fortunes.

Wrapping himself in the mantle of Pericles, Alcibiades became the leader of the aggressive imperialist and anti-Spartan faction in the city. In this capacity, Alcibiades now secretly entered into negotiations with Argos and her allies; all the while sabotaging every effort to repair relations between Sparta and his city.

In 420, Athens formed a defensive alliance with Argos, Mantinea, and Elis.[1] Though Corinth had instigated the anti-Spartan coalition, that city now hedged its bets and remained aloof. That year the Eleans, on whose territory was Olympia, prevented the Spartans from taking part in the Olympic Games!

War broke out in 418 between Sparta and the Argive allies. In Athens,  Alciabiades was not elected to the Board of Generals (the Athenian version of a General Staff); and as such had no official role. However, he was in Argos agitating the allies against Sparta.

With her leadership in the Peloponnese on the verge of collapsing, and an Athenian-inspired coalition threatening to dominate the northern Peloponnese, the Spartan army marched under King Agis II against the Argives and their allies, massed at Mantinea. The Argive army included a small force of Athenian “volunteers”; even though Athens and Sparta were not only at peace, but technically allied.

By choosing to join the Peloponnesian democrats against its ally, Sparta,  Athens decided to all but tear-up the Peace of Nicias; and to instead to follow the aggressive policies of Alcibiades. Unfortunately, the Athenian electorate failed to place Alcibiades, its architect, in charge of executing this policy. Instead, more cautious generals were elected that year (including Nicias). Therefore, only a token force of 1,000 hoplites and 300 cavalry were sent: enough to enrage Sparta, but not enough to ensure the success of its plans. Had the full Athenian army marched beside the Argives and other allies, the decision in the coming battle might have gone very differently.

Two views of the Mantinea battlefield

Agis arrived with a Spartan army estimated at 18,000 strong[2]; the core of which was some 3,600 Spartiates (the “Equals”).  He found the Argive forces, slightly smaller in number, holding a very strong position on high ground. Advancing against them, the opposing phalanxes were within “a stone’s throw or javelin’s cast” of each other when a veteran Spartan called out to the King, warning him that he was making a mistake in engaging the enemy in when in such a strong position.[3] Seeing his error, Agis halted the advance, and the Spartans pulled back unmolested.

Now the problem was to draw the Argives down from their position, to the plain below. To achieve this goal, the Spartans now began devastating the territory around Mantinea, and to divert a local river, in order to flood the Mantinean plain! With their fields in danger of destruction, the Mantineans convinced the rest to come down and face the Spartans on the flat ground. Marching onto the plain, the Argives and their allies deployed for battle.

The Spartan forces, coming out of wood, were astonished to find the enemy standing to arms on the plain and prepared for battle. Thucydides states that never were the Spartans more “shocked” in battle than they were at this sight[4]. Despite this, Agis quickly and efficiently deployed his army from column into line of battle.

With his Spartan regiments (lochoi) in the center, Agis placed his Tegean and Arcadian allies to their right. On his left he placed the neodamodeis and other veterans of Brasidas’ campaign in the north; while holding the extreme left end of the line, as was customary, were the 600 Skiritae, elite light troops from the northern mountains of Laconia. In all, there were some 12,000 Peloponnesian hoplites, about 5,000 light-armed infantry, and about 500 cavalry on either flank.[5]

Across the field the allied army numbered approximately 11-12,000 hoplites, nearly as many as the Spartans. Opposite the Skiritae were 2,000 skilled Mantinean hoplites. Beside these were an equal number of Arcadians. In the center of the allied line were the Argives. The right-most unit of these were 1,000 elite Argive “Epelektoi” (Picked) hoplites. The remaining Argive hoplites (5,000?) along with the Eleans and the contingents of other, smaller cities occupied the center, staring across the field at the red-cloaked Spartans. The Argive left was held by the 1,000 Athenian hoplites and their small contingent of cavalry.

Agis noted that the enemy line extended beyond his left flank. Attempting to correct this, he ordered the Skiritae and the “Brasidans” to extend to their left, while ordering two units from his right to march behind the line and take station in the gap this move created in the Spartan line. Both commanders refused the order, the enemy being too close to contact (both were subsequently “cashiered” and exiled for disobeying orders). Because of this, a dangerous gap developed in the Spartan line.

Forward the allied line advanced rapidly, shouting encouragements to each other and singing their battle paeans. Here, as at Pylos, they would teach the Spartans another lesson!

The Spartans, by contrast, tramped forward in eerie silence, to the trilling of pipes.

The Mantineans, Arcadians and the Argive “Epelektoi”, some of the best hoplite warriors in the world, smashed into the light-armed Skiritai and the Brasidans. Isolated from the Spartan center, these bore the full brunt of the enemy’s main effort. Unable to withstand this attack, they fell back toward the Spartan baggage camp.

The situation played out very differently in the center and on the Argive left. Here the scarlet-clad Spartans advanced with lowered spears and locked shields. The sight was one that instilled terror in the hearts of their opponents. Despite their loss of prestige following Sphacteria, the Spartans were still the most feared infantry in the world!

Without waiting to meet their onset, the Argives and their allies on the left broke ranks and ran! Gone was the brash talk of a second Pylos! Thucydides states that they trampled each other in their haste to escape the Spartan spears. Not all were so lucky: the Athenian commander, Laches, was Stabbed in the back while attempting to flee.

Agis, keeping his troops in hand, now wheeled his line hard to the left, cutting down fleeing Argives as they did. A lifetime of military drill and practice now showed its worth; as with machine-like precision the Spartan center and right turned 90 degrees to face the hitherto victorious Argive right wing.

There the Mantineans, Arcadians and the Argive elites were fighting over the Spartan baggage, where they killed many of the older men left as guards. No doubt celebrating what seemed a victory, they had no idea that doom was wheeling toward them.

The Spartan line bore down upon them, cutting them to bloody pieces. The Spartans showed no mercy, except for the Argive “Epelektoi”; who were allowed, for political reasons, to escape the battlefield.

Mantinea was a complete triumph for the Spartans. In one day’s fighting, in the largest hoplite battle of the war, they had regained their lost reputation as Greece’s invincible warriors. Never again, in the course of the Peloponnesian War, would any challenge them on land again.

Spartan hoplites resting after battle. (Note the discarded Mantinean shield at their feet.)

NEXT: ALCIBIADES AND LYSANDER


[1] Hammond, A History of Greece to 322 BC,  P 322

[2] Hanson, A War Like No Other, P.155

[3] Thucydides, Book V, 65

[4] Thucydides, Book V, 66

[5] Hanson, A War Like No Other, P. 155

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THERMOPYLAE PODCAST: SPARTA’S FINEST HOUR

Today I did a segement on the SILVIO CANTO SHOW on Blogtalk Radio: Thermopylae, Sparta’s Finest Hour!
Listen and enjoy. http://www.blogtalkradio.com/cantotalk/2012/09/07/todays-message

Check out what the Goddess has to say about the Persians in Egypt, over at the Temple of Mut!

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Listen to
internet radio with Silvio Canto Jr on Blog Talk Radio
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MEET THE SPARTANS (Part Five)

THE REAL STORY OF THE WARRIOR-HEROES OF ANCIENT GREECE!

“For the Spartans, it wasn’t walls or magnificent public buildings that made a city; it was their own ideals. In essence, Sparta was a city of the head and the heart. And it existed in its purest form in the disciplined march of a hoplite phalanx on their way to war!” – Bettany Hughes, writer/historian.

(For Part Four, go here)

BRASIDAS IN THE NORTH

Brasidas arrived in Macedonia at the head of a small army of allies and freed and trained helot-hoplites; called neodamodes. Immediately, tensions developed between he and his ally, the Macedonian king, Perdiccas II.

Macedonia in the 5th century BC was not the united realm it would be under Philip II and Alexander. All of the western Macedonian highlands, so-called  ”Upper Macedonia” was ruled by several competing petty-kingdoms: Orestis, Pelagonia, Lyncestis, Eordea, etc. Macedonia proper, where the king’s writ was law, was confined to the great plain of the Axios (Vardar) river, the coastal plains to its south, and the foothills to the west. Even its coastal regions were contested by the presence of independent Greek colonies; which were subject-allies of the Athenian Empire.

A Macedonian national ”army”, as such, did not yet exist. The army of Alexander was the creation of his father Philip; still 130 years in the future. Perdiccas had nothing but his household retainers, those nobles and their mounted retainers who chose to respond to a royal summons; and a poor-quality infantry militia of farmers and townsmen. The sarissa-armed phalanx was also a thing of the future; these carried spear or javelin. The nobility and king’s retainers, collectively known as “The Companions” were some of the best cavalry in Greece. But they were a tiny force, not the trained and well equipped cavalry regiments of Philip and Alexander.

Perdiccas had his own reasons for aligning with Sparta. He saw here an opportunity of using the Peloponnesians to break Athenian power in the north; creating the opportunity for Macedonian expansion and control.

His first demand of Brasidas was that he lead his army not against the Athenian coastal cities; but into the Macedonian highland to the west, against the semi-independent kingdom of Lyncestis.

Wasting time and men fighting Perdiccas’ private wars against his rivals held no interest for Brasidas. Instead, he opened negotiations with the Lyncestians, offering himself as arbiter in their conflict with Perdiccas. Meanwhile, Brasidas marched his force into the northeastern Chalkidice region; to campaign against the Athenian interests there.

Here his skill as a politician and orator showed themselves. Proclaiming himself their liberator from Athenian domination, Brasidas found one town after another opening their gates to him. First Acanthus, then Stagira submitted. By December, he was at Argilus, and threatening Amphipolis and its port, Eion, at the mouth of the Strymon River.

The Athenians at Amphipolis sent for help to the nearest Athenian force, at the island of Thasos, commanded by the general Thucydides (the later historian). Thucydides rushed to the scene, managing to save Eion. But before he arrived, Amphipolis had surrendered on generous terms to Brasidas; whose army now occupied the city.

Thucydides

The news of the loss of Amphipolis shook Athens hold on the north, and evoked an immediate reaction. Thucydides was (unjustly) blamed for not “saving” the city, and was dismissed and exiled! Meanwhile, one Chalcidician town after another went over to the Spartans. Panicked, the Athenians requested an armistice to discuss peace; something they had rejected after their humiliating victory at Pylos and Sphacteria. The Spartans were eager to see the prisoners taken at Sphacteria returned, and granted the Athenian’s request.

Meanwhile, additional towns in the Chalcidice were throwing off their Athenian allegiance, and requesting Brasidas protection. Loath to give up the fruits of his victory at Amphipolis, or to leave these towns to the “mercy” of the Athenians, he granted their pleas, sending to Sparta for reinforcement to defend his gains.

The armistice broke down, and Athens dispatched the generals Nicias and Nicostratus with an army to restore their authority in the north. Mende was recaptured, and Scione besieged (though it held out). Brasidas, for his part, found himself isolated; as the Athenians closed off the land route through Thessaly to Spartan reinforcements (had any been dispatched).

Now King Perdiccas, disappointed with Brasidas for liberating the Greek cities of the Chalcidice and not turning them over to him, demanded that his ally now assist him against the Lyncestians. Brasidas forces joined with the Macedonian king’s, and marched into the highlands to the west.

Here, they found themselves outnumbered and hard pressed by the hillmen. Perdiccas, perhaps planning all along to get rid of his too independent ally, now betrayed Brasidas and in the middle of the night withdrew his forces. Returning to Macedon, he changed sides, making peace with the Athenians.

Brasidas found himself outnumbered and surrounded by hostile tribesmen. Keeping his head, the Spartan calmed his panicking troops; and ordered them to form-up into a large hollow square. Placing his non-combatants into the interior, he now marched them through the light-armed tribesmen, who were loath to close with the redoubtable

Peloponnesian hoplites. Their armor and large shields protecting them from hostile missiles, they succeeded in extricating themselves. This use of the tactical square in hostile country presaged the march of Xenophon’s 10,000 twenty-three some years later; and may have inspired Xenophon’s tactics.

In April of 422, the Athenian general (and political demagogue leader), Cleon the Tanner, sailed for the north with a new army and the mandate to restore Athenian control. In particular, his goal was to recapture Amphipolis, with its mines and wealth of timber.

Cleon enjoyed initial success, recapturing Torone and perhaps other towns. Moving on to Eion, Cleon established a base.  Then, marching his army  north to Amphipolis, he reconnoitered the city.

Brasidas watched the Athenians outside the walls. Though outnumbered, he hastily formulated a plan of attack. As Cleon’s forces began to withdraw back toward Eion, the southern gates opened and Brasidas, at the head of his forces, charged out!

Cleon’s hoplites wheeled left to engage the Peloponnesians, and a fierce fight developed. Meanwhile, a second Spartan force, dispatched by Brasidas from the city’s northern gate, now came at a run around the eastern walls, to attack the Athenian’s right flank. Here stood Cleon, on the extreme right, the place where all phalanx commanders took their station.

The right flank of a phalanx is its most vulnerable place; its shieldless side. Charged here by the Peloponnesians, the Athenians gave ground, and were soon in complete rout! Cleon himself was slain in the fighting.

Unfortunately for Sparta, Brasidas too was killed in the fighting; leading the initial frontal charge into the Athenian phalanx. He was buried at Amphipolis, and honored in the city as a second founder. In Sparta, he was remembered with great honor as a hero of the city. His neodamodeis hoplites veterans were allowed to remain together as a regiment upon their return to Sparta; and to call themselves the “Brasidans”.

Brasidas was perhaps the most intrepid, bold, and forward-thinking Spartan general of the war; Lysander his only rival for the title. His ability as a politician and diplomat, unusual in any military man much less a Spartan, were exceptional and allowed him to win over the Chalcidice with little bloodshed. In battle he thought beyond the simple clash of phalanx, using ruses and flank attacks to good effect. As was the case with the WWII German general Rommel, he had that rare ability of inspiring admiration in the very enemies he was fighting. It has been argued that Thucydides’ (an Athenian general who opposed him) presentation of Brasidas is nothing less than a Homeric celebration of the epic hero’s valor. Like Achilles, he died too young.

Thucydides, the historian, points out that both Brasidas and Cleon represented the most bellicose elements in their respective cities. With both these leaders removed, peace could be negotiated.

Exhausted, the Spartans and Athenians soon concluded the Peace of Nicias; bringing the first half of the Peloponnesian War to a close. At the signing ceremony, one of the seventeen “most esteemed” Spartans taking part was Tellis, father Brasidas; so-honored in memory of his son’s heroic services to his country.

NEXT: The Battle of Mantinea

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MEET THE SPARTANS (Part Four)

THE REAL STORY OF THE WARRIOR-HEROES OF ANCIENT GREECE!

“For the Spartans, it wasn’t walls or magnificent public buildings that made a city; it was their own ideals. In essence, Sparta was a city of the head and the heart. And it existed in its purest form in the disciplined march of a hoplite phalanx on their way to war!” – Bettany Hughes, writer/historian.

(For Part Three, go here)

BRASIDAS AND DEMOSTHENES

The Bay of Pylos (now Navarino Bay) is a well sheltered anchorage on the southwest coast of the Peloponnese; in the region known as Messenia. It is enclosed from the Ionian Sea to the west by a long, narrow island: Sphacteria. The bay can be entered through channels both north and south of Sphacteria. The narrow northern channel is bounded on the northern side by the rocky Pylos promontory.

It was here in the 6th year of the war that the innovative Athenian general, Demosthenes, with a fleet of 40 triremes bound for Corcyra was forced by weather to land.

Ever one to recognize a strategic opportunity, Demosthenes used the crews at his disposal to fortify Pylos; and when the fleet continued on to Corcyra, he remained behind with 5 triremes and their crews (about 1,000 men; less than 100 of which were likely hoplites). He was soon reinforced by another 40 Messenian hoplites from Naupactos, an Athenian base on the Gulf of Corinth.

Demosthenes planned to use Pylos as a base of operations in Messenia. This land, comprising the southwestern quarter of the Peloponnese, had long been subjugated by the Spartans; and its native population reduced to helotry. From Pylos, the Athenians could raid into Spartan Messenia with impunity; and provide a refuge for runaway helots.

This potential thorn in the Spartan side was intolerable ot the Spartan government. Immediately, the Spartan army ravaging Attica under King Agis was recalled to the Peloponnese; and force of 43 ships and men was dispatched under Sparta’s most promising officer, the intrepid Brasidas son of Tellis, to expel the Athenians.

We know little of Brasidas’ early life. Considering his later ranks, he was almost certainly a “star” cadet during his days in the Agoge. He likely served time in the Kryptea; for no one who hadn’t served in that elite “special branch” ever rose to the highest ranks in Sparta, as Brasidas did. He became renown for his personal valor and fighting prowess (Plato, towards the end of the “Symposium”, has Alcibiades compare Brasidas to Achilles); as well as his strategic acumen, his ability to quickly arrive at a tactical solution to any problem, his considerable diplomatic skills, and his very un-Spartan ability to think “outside the box.

By the outbreak of hostilities in 431, he was already of sufficient rank to be entrusted as a commander of forces patrolling and garrisoning helot Messenia. When the Athenians raided Messenia and laid siege to Methone, Brasidas gathered those forces available and rushed to the city’s relief. Thucydides, the Athenian general and chief historian of the Peloponnesian War,  notes that “because of this, Brasidas was the first man in this war to receive official honors at Sparta”. He is not specific about these honors, but the historian Xenophon states that in the next year, Brasidas was the eponymous Ephor, meaning he was the senior of the five magistrates that year; and that in Spartan reckoning and annuals  the year was called after him. In 429 he was a naval commissioner helping to supervise an early attempt to create a Spartan navy; and was sent to the Gulf of Corinth to review naval strategy.

He was soon was commanding his own trireme, and was part of the Spartan expedition sent to aid the Corinthians against Corcyra. During this period, he proposed dragging the Peloponnesian ships from the Corinthian gulf across the Isthmus of Corinth and launching a surprise attack on Piraeus, the port of Athens. Although this plan was not accepted, it shows the characteristic boldness  Brasidas would later display with such success.

Brasidas now led the Spartan squadron to Pylos, to expel Demosthenes and the Athenians.

The Spartans forces arrived at Pylos, forcing Demosthenes to beach his ships (but not before sending two northward to retrieve the fleet) and to man his stockades. Brasidas now attempted to land at Pylos, storming the rocky shore. The Athenians resisted fiercely, terrain and their makeshift defense-works in their favor. The Spartans were repelled; Brasidas sustaining a nearly mortal wound, as well as having his shield ripped from his prostrate body!

The Spartans withdrew, and decided to blockade the Athenians, cutting them off from supply. To this end, a Spartan force of 420 men (including 120 Spartiates) was landed on Sphacteria island to the south; from which it could (theoretically) help close the northern channel into Pylos Bay.

However, the Athenian fleet returned from Corcyra and, entering the bay, defeated and drove off the Peloponnesian ships. At a stroke, “the worm had turned”, and the Spartans on Sphacteria were cut off and isolated.

Realizing the untenable position her garrison on Sphacteria were now in, Sparta immediately began negotiations with Athens for a truce that would allow their withdrawal. Their demagogic leader, Cleon the Tanner, convinced the Athenian assembly to make unreasonable demands, and the negotiations broke down.

Cleon and reinforcements were dispatched to Demosthenes, with orders to storm Sphacteria before winter weather made sailing impossible.

At this point, a chance fire on the island broke out, burning away the trees and scrub foliage that had given the tiny Spartan garrison cover and concealment. Now the Athenians off shore could clearly see how few were the Spartan garrison; and exactly where to land their troops unobstructed.

Stripping their ship to skeleton crews in order to field an overwhelming force, Demosthenes landed with several thousand heavy and light-armed troops. Taking the Spartans by surprise, they seized the island’s one well and drove the Spartan defenders to the far north end of the island; where the Spartans had build makeshift fortification on the highest ground.

Now the Athenian light troops, archers and javelin-armed “peltasts”, advanced up the hill to with missile range. They began a relentless harassment of the Spartans; who, formed up in phalanx, sheltered behind their shields. Several times the Spartans attempted to drive off their tormentors with charges. But the more nimble light troops easily eluded the Spartan hoplites; retreating to the shelter of their own hoplites phalanx. This was far more numerous than the Spartans, and occupied good defensive terrain that made direct attack impossible.

Over and over, the Athenian light troops returned to continue the bombardment.  In the blazing heat of the day, the sun and lack of water took as much of a toil of the Spartan defenders as enemy darts. Even so, the Spartans wearily closed ranks around their dead, and held their ground.

In a preview of Alexander the Great at the Rock of Aornos a century later, Demosthenes now sent a force of Messenian light infantry up the sea cliffs on the northern end of the island, behind the Spartan position. Deemed impassible, the Spartans had placed no look-outs on the heights. Like the American Rangers at Point du Hoc in Normandy, the peltasts climbed the cliffs unobserved; then moved up to seize the islands highest ground, behind the embattled Spartans!

Attacked now from all sides the Spartan garrison, reminiscent of their fathers at Thermopylae a generation before, seemed doomed to another glorious “last stand”.

But Demosthenes now did something even more cunning: he pulled back. His troops backed off and held their fire, giving the sun and lack of food and water work their magic.

Several hours went by. Then an Athenian herald approached the bloody and weary Spartans.

Would they care to surrender, he politely asked them?

In other circumstances, on another day, the question would have been either ludicrous or contemptuous. Every Spartan knew what was expected of him. This was their chance at kalos thenatos, the “beautiful death”. A chance to pass the final test of a true Spartan.

But this was not “another day”.

Inexplicably, the Spartans on Sphacteria island surrendered.

292 prisoners were taken in chains back to Athens, 120 of them full Spartiates.  Cleon put them on display for the populace to behold, like some strange and exotic wild animals! The sophisticated, effete Athenians viewed them with scorn and ridicule.

“So, did all the real Spartans die on the island”, they sneered?

Morale back in Sparta sunk to the lowest it had ever been. The entire state seemed to have gone into a state of shock. In a fit of despair, Sparta agreed not to invade and devastate Attica; in return for Athens not killing its prisoners.

Never had Spartans been known to surrender. The legend of Spartan courage and the myth of Spartan invincibility was shaken to their foundations!

When the prisoners were finally returned, their treatment was almost as unheard of as their surrender. They were not stripped of their status as Homoioi,“Equals”; they were not taunted in the streets by the Spartan maidens as “tremblers”. They were quietly accepted back into Spartan society. It was as if all Sparta accepted, with a sense of shame and shared guilt, that Spartans were just not made of the same “stern stuff” as their forefathers.

The other Greeks took notice, and drew much the same conclusion.

Still, the war continued.

BRASIDAS’STRIKES NORTH

Now it was Sparta’s turn to do the unexpected; and strike the enemy where they least expected. It was Brasidas, recovered from the wounds sustained at Pylos, who conceived a plan to revenge Sphacteria and strike at the roots of the Athenian Empire.

The northern Aegean shore was a source of wealth for the Athenians; both timber for ship building and mines from which gold and silver were extracted. That it remain in Athenian hands was particularly important as the Athenian grain shipments from the Black Sea passed below it on their way to the Queen City. Amphipolis, an Athenian colony in western Thrace, was the principal Athenian base in the northern Aegean.

Athenian control of the coastal cities of Macedonia and Thrace was resented by the peoples of these regions. Now Perdiccas II, king of Macedonia, requested Spartan aid against these Athenian bases; the expectation being that the Spartans would turn them over to his control. Brasidas argued that here was an opportunity not to be missed. That once the Athenian subject-cities of Chalcidike and Macedonia were “liberated”, he (Brasidas) could march east along the Thracian coast, expelling the Athenians from all their outposts. At the end of such a march lay the ultimate prize: Byzantium, at the exit of the Black Sea. With this in Spartan hands, the Athenian corn supply could be throttled!

However sound the plans, Sparta could not spare much of its army; already engaged in protecting the Peloponnese from the increasingly aggressive Athenians (who were now raiding from bases like Pylos all around the peninsula). In the end, Brasidas given this command and allowed an army of 700 liberated and trained helots (called neodamodeis, “new men”).

Brasidas moved to Corinth, where he recruited another 1,000 troops from the area. He also thwarted an attempt by the ever-active Demosthenes to sieze Megara by coup d’main.

Brasidas marched north, through the plains of allied Boeotia; north, past the burial mound of the 300 at Thermopylae (where, no doubt, he paused to pay homage); on into Athenian-allied Thessaly, where so dread was his and the Spartan name that none dared to opposed his passing. Through the narrow gorge known as the Vale of Tempe, and into Macedonia.

The ”Vale of Tempe”, the narrow gorge through which the way  from Greece to Macedonia passed. Brasidas came through Tempe enroute to Macedonia

Here Brasidas was joined by Perdiccas, the Macedonian king. Immediately, conflicting interests began to strain this alliance of convenience.

NEXT: BRASIDAS’ NORTHERN CAMPAIGN

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