(This is the second in a series concerning the Wars of the Diadachi. Part 1 can be read here, and includes comprehensive biographies of the players in this drama. It is strongly advised that you start there before reading on here. Stay tuned to this blog for future installments!)

As Alexander’s corpse lay cooling in the palace at Babylon, his closest friends and senior general’s were already squabbling in the royal chambers. With no clear heir to the empire, who was to rule? Both of the queens were pregnant; but the empire needed a ruler, not an infant on the throne. And once the infants were born, which had the better claim? Alexander had married Roxane, daughter of the Sogdian lord Oxyartes, first. But Stateira, daughter of the late Persian Shah-an-Shah Darius III was of vastly superior lineage. A son born of Alexander and Stateira (if son it be) would unite both peoples, Macedonian and Persian.

babylon 3


babylon 2
Babylon, here depicted in the 2004 film, “Alexander the Great”, was one of the oldest and most cosmopolitan cities in the ancient world when Alexander chose it as the capital of his empire. It was here that he died in 323 BC, and where the struggle over the succession began

However, while the generals and grandees argued and brawled about the royal corpse of their dead king, at least one in the palace kept a cold-bloodedly clear head.

We know little of the personalities of famous women in Greek histories. No Plutarch wrote biographies of the famous women of the ancient world. But the picture we have of Roxane, which seeps through the sources focused on the men around her and their deeds, is one of a passionate and, when necessary, ruthless young woman. Alexander had in fact married a Central Asian version of Olympias, his own formidable mother.

With her rival queen also carrying Alexander’s child, and the succession in doubt Roxane decided to act swiftly in the interest of her own unborn child. Before word of Alexander’s death had spread beyond the royal bedroom, she had one of the eunuchs of the palace summon Queen Stateira, in Alexander’s name, to an isolated wing of this sprawling, ancient palace of the Babylonian kings. There she found no Alexander; but instead Roxane and her henchman. The daughter of Darius was forced to take poison; and her body was then dumped into a well. It was found on autopsy that she had indeed been carrying a son.

The succession question had just become simpler.

alex_ palace babylon

Interior set of the Palace of Nebuchadnezzar in Babylon, from the film “Alexander” (2004). It was here, in an interior courtyard such as this that Roxane lured Alexander’s royal Persian bride, Stateira within minutes of his death; where she then murdered her

Plutarch claims Perdiccas was a co-conspirator in this murder. Wither he was or not, we will never know. But he was very soon afterward calling for a regency in the name of Roxane’s unborn son (assuming it was a son). As the Chiliarch (vizier), Perdiccas had possession of Alexander’s signet ring; and now claimed that Alexander meant for him to bear the burden of regency until Roxane’s son was old enough to assume his duties and privileges.

Outside the palace the Macedonian rank-and-file were in ferment. Near-insane with grief over the death of their beloved leader, they received the rumors of Perdiccas’ proposals unhappily. Soon a mob had formed, demanding a voice in the decision of succession; as was the ancient right of the Macedonian army. Alarmed, Perdiccas sent the old taxiarch Meleager to calm and reassure the solders.  Old salt-of-the-earth Meleager was “one of them”, after all; the one general the common soldier would trust and listen to.

Perdiccas, however, had misread his man.

Long ignored and taken for granted by Alexander and the young generation of leaders that had come to power with him, Meleager had been one of the original phalanx leaders at the start of Alexander’s conquests. He was the only taxiarch of those original six who had never received promotion. A natural envy and resentment against the “young cockscombs” of Alexander’s court may now have motivated his actions. For no sooner was he among the angry mob of soldiers, than he became their leader and spokesman.

According to the historian Quintus Curtius (who is not, perhaps, the most reliable of sources), the army gathered in conclave outside the city. The Royal Tent was set-up, with Alexander’s throne set before it, his crown, robes, arms and armor displayed upon it. This was a practice that would later be repeated, counsels of war conducted before the throne and arms of the now dead conqueror.

The seven Bodyguards (Somatophylakes) took seats behind the throne; with the principle Companions (Hetairoi, the friends and advisors to the king, not the heavy cavalry corps) standing behind these. Perdiccas now made a peace-keeping gesture, removing Alexander’s signet ring from his finger and placing it on a cushion upon the throne; in essence returning it to the soldiers, theirs to dispose.

Neil Jackson as Perdiccas

Actor Neil Jackson played the under-written role of  Perdiccas in the 2004 film

Perdiccas spoke first. He reminded the assembly that they were an island in a sea of conquered foes. That if they wanted to hold onto the power and riches they had won, they must choose a leader; and that an army without a chief “is a body without a soul”. [1] He concluded by reminding them that Roxane was late in her pregnancy; and that if the gods were kind a boy would be born, a legitimate heir to Alexander’s empire; and that in time he would be ready to assume his place as their king. But, in the meantime, they should choose a leader.

Nearchus, Alexander’s Admiral and boyhood friend, spoke next. He agreed that it was only fitting that one of Alexander’s blood should rule them; but wondered why they should wait for the birth of Roxane’s son, when a half-grown son of Alexander’s was alive and suitable? He meant Heracles, the son of Alexander’s mistress, Barsiné. But Alexander had never acknowledged the boy, an odd thing in a Macedonian culture that attached no onus to children born out of wedlock. Philip, his father, had several children by various mistresses, and had acknowledged them all equally. That Alexander had not done so with this son of Barsiné is perhaps telling.

Nearchus certainly had personal reasons for advancing Heracles’ claim to the throne: he had married a daughter of Barsiné by her first husband, Mentor, during the great mass wedding at Susa; making Heracles his half-brother-in-law. He was therefore not a disinterested party. In any case, none of the leaders supported Nearchus’ suggestion, and the Macedonian rank-and-file, no doubt mindful of the personal connection, jeered at his nomination. Nearchus continued to argue for Heracles, and the meeting nearly degenerated into a brawl, when the popular Ptolemy son of Lagos stepped forward and spoke for the soldiers.

Neither a son of Barsiné or of Roxane’s was a suitable king for Hellenes, he told them. Had their ancestors thrown back the hordes of Asia under Darius and Xerxes, just to now hand the rule of Hellas over to a half-barbarian brat? He (Ptolemy) suggested instead a counsel of leaders, comprised of those who had been Alexander’s most trusted advisors. These would meet before the dead king’s empty throne, as they were that day. Then, together, they would decide on matters of concern to all, and let their dead leader’s spirit inform and guide their decisions.

1 Ptolemy

Ptolemy was portrayed in 2004’s “Alexander the Great” by Elliot Cowan

This suggestion caused a new round of argument, some for and some against. No doubt it appealed to many of the superstitious soldiers who could not yet come to terms with their King’s death, or a world in which his will did not guide them.

Aristonus the Bodyguard rose next to speak.

“As Alexander lay dying”, he said, “he gave his kingdom to “the strongest” (tôi kratistôi); and he himself adjudged Perdiccas that man, by handing him his signet ring. Others here were there in that room; and he could have chosen any one of them. But, no, comrades: after looking around the room, it was Perdiccas he chose. We should respect his choice.” [2]

Aristonas’ words swayed many in the assembly; perhaps because he was known to be an honest soldier, devoid of personal ambitions. There were calls now for Perdiccas to take back up the signet ring.

However, at this critical juncture Perdiccas hesitated. Were they offering him the throne? Or merely regency till a king of the Royal House could be decided upon? While he considered, the moment temporarily slipped away.

Old soldier2aMeleager now stepped forward, spokesman for the most disgruntled faction among the solders.

He denounced Perdiccas’ as a man who was scheming for the throne. That Perdiccas had only suggested regency for Roxane’s unborn son because he knew that he, as regent, would be the true ruler of the empire. And why should they wait for Alexander’s “barbarian” bride to give birth when a true-born Macedonian heir was here among them?

He meant Arrhidaeus, Alexander’s older half-brother. This prince was a son of Philip II by a Thessalian dancing girl. He was mentally disabled, perhaps autistic (and may have had bouts of epilepsy, not unusual in autistic children). Alexander had been fond of his brother, who appears to have been a gentle soul; and Alexander had brought his brother with him on campaign as part of his household. Now in his mid-thirties, Arrhidaeus physically reminded many of the Macedonian soldiers of his late father, Philip II; who they remembered nostalgically as a “Macedonian of the Macedones”, free of the odious Medizing that had tainted their beloved Alexander in his last years. Looking at Arrhidaeus, many of the old soldiers shed tears, imagining the king of their youth returned.

Meleager and those soldiers who agreed with him now demanded that as Alexander’s closest male relative, Arrhidaeus not be disinherited; but instead be proclaimed king. This was a popular suggestion with the rank-and-file; at least those of the infantry. The confused Arrhidaeus was produced, and escorted to the Royal Tent; where he was dressed in Alexander’s royal robe (and likely crowned as well). They proclaimed him King Philip (III), perhaps to further remind all that he was the son of their late king; and he is hereafter referred to as Philip Arrhidaeus.

Old soldiers2

The Macedonian soldiers gathered in conclave. Many had grown old on campaign, yet continued to serve their king. At Babylon, they demanded Arrhidaeus as their king. 

It was the ancient right of the Macedonian Army, as the living embodiment of the Macedonian people-in-arms, to select their king. The convention was that their choice had to come from one of the ancient Royal House (the Argeadae); and Arrhidaeus, as son of one king and brother to another certainly qualified. But this choice did not sit well with any of the leaders.

Peithon the Bodyguard decried the choice, and the uproar that followed forced Perdiccas and his adherents to retreat back into the city and palace; where they barricaded themselves in Alexander’s chambers. Meleager and a party of soldiers, now armed-and-armored attempted to force their way in and seize Perdiccas, as a traitor. Cooler heads prevailed, and Meleager and his men withdrew. However, Perdiccas realized his life was in danger with Meleager in control of the king. He ordered the cavalry (who, as aristocrats by-and-large, felt little sympathy with the commoners who made-up the infantry) to draw-up for battle on the plain outside the city. To these Perdiccas and many of the leadership fled. They then blockaded the approaches to the city, preventing the daily arrival of food from the countryside.


The  Macedonian Companion Cavalry were the elite strike force of Alexander’s army. By his death in 323, he had expanded the force to 4,000 strong; including noble Persians in the ranks. Supported by some 200 elephants brought back from India, in the confrontation at Babylon they were a force even the Macedonian phalanx balked at facing 

What followed was nearly a battle between the Macedonian cavalry (which included the some 200 elephants Alexander had amassed in his later years) and the infantry; Perdiccas against Meleager. The two arms (horse vs foot) deployed against each other, prepared for battle. It is a sign of how dominant and effective the cavalry-arm had become under Alexander (and perhaps how feared the elephants were) that at the eleventh hour the infantry backed down; and bloodshed was avoided.


The Macedonian phalanx, shown here prepared for battle

A compromise was instead arranged through the diplomatic efforts of Eumenes, the wily Greek who was Chief of the Secretariat: Philip Arrhidaeus was to remain king, with the popular (and absent) Craterus as his guardian. Antipater was to remain as General in Europe. Perdiccas was to be his counterpart, General-in-Command of the army in Asia, and confirmed as Vizier (Chiliarch). Though given executive authority, Perdiccas’ effective power (and ambitions) would be checked by Craterus, who as guardian of the King would have to counter-sign any of Perdiccas’ orders. Should Roxane give birth to son, Perdiccas would share guardianship of the infant heir with Leonnatus the Bodyguard.

Meleager, who can not have been pleased by these turn of events, was partially mollified by being appointed Second-in-Command of the army in Asia. However, the old solder was playing out of his depth; and was soon betrayed by Perdiccas.

To dispel the evil that had almost caused the army to war against itself, theseleucus_nikator troops now paraded, and marched between the severed halves of dog (a strange and ancient custom in Macedon). At this parade Perdiccas, acting as Vizier and in the King’s name (with Philip Arrhidaeus beside him on the reviewing platform), ordered the arrest of the men who had instigated the discord of the previous days. Some 300 men, all supporters of Meleager, were seized by the Guard (commanded by Seleucus). Perdiccas had these unfortunates tied down, and then trampled to pulp by the elephants.

This unexpected coup and the barbaric punishment meted out to his supporters seems to have terrified and disheartened Meleager, who fled to a temple, seeking refuge. Here he was dragged out by Perdiccas’ orders, and murdered.

Throughout this all, King Philip Arrhidaeus made no effort to save the men who had placed him on the throne. Mentally he was simply incapable of dealing with the situation he’d been thrust into. From this point until his eventual death, he is no more than another piece on the chess board, moved about by one player or another.

First blood had been spilt. It was just the beginning of bloody years to come.

Meanwhile, Alexander’s body was prepared for transport back home Macedonian, to be interred in the royal tombs at Aigai (modern Vergina). The best Egyptian and Chaldean embalmers worked on the king, “to make the body sweet-smelling and incorruptible.” It was said Alexander’s body showed no signs of decomposition; despite having been left for days untended in the Babylonian summer heat. (If true this may indicate that Alexander had not died when he was assumed to have; but instead have slipped into such a deep coma that no vital signs were evident, dying perhaps days later from neglect.) To transport the body, a fortune was spent creating an amazing and elaborate funeral cart that would bear the sarcophagus on its journey. It was made of gold and decorated with precious jems; and would take two years to complete.

It was a symbolic duty of one ruler to bury his predecessor. By administering this preparation, Perdiccas was signaling to all that he was now the true power  behind the throne, whatever else may have been agreed to.

macedonian_empire_336_323 b

Now acting in King Philip’s name, Perdiccas divided the empire, deciding who would govern which province. There must, of course, have been much bargaining and compromise to build a base of support among the ambitious men surrounding him. Ptolemy was given the Satrapy of Egypt, no doubt his first and only choice. Leonnatus, whose ambitions, as we shall see, looked to the homeland of Macedon and a royal marriage was given the province of Hellespontine Phrygia; the Asian lands closest to Europe across the Dardanelles strait. Antigonus, the already too powerful satrap of Phrygia had his authority expanded with the addition of Lycia and Pamphylia; territories he had likely already conquered after Alexander passed on to the east, leaving him there to keep communications open with the Macedonian base. This formalization of the “facts on the ground” was a bone thrown to (temporarily) appease an old and hungry wolf.

In Europe, Thrace was taken from Antipater’s control and made into a separate satrapy, which was given to Lysimachus. Perhaps this was a move to weaken Antipater’s power, which in Europe was absolute and a potential threat to Perdiccas’ position. Craterus was on the way to Macedon with 10,000 veterans. His original orders from Alexander had been to replace Antipater. Perdiccas had not rescinded or addressed Craterus’ orders, and it is possible he was waiting to see how events would shake out once Craterus arrive in Macedon; hoping perhaps that Craterus would eliminate his rival without him having to lift a finger. In the meantime, Lysimachus could establish himself in Thrace, restoring order to a region which had thrown off Macedonian rule and perhaps be an ally against whoever ultimately came to rule in Macedon.

Finally, Perdiccas rewarded four men who had helped him in the last few, trouble-filled days; and whose loyalty and support he hoped he could count upon. Peithon was looking to the Upper Satrapies (eastern Iran, Turkmenistan, and Afghanistan), and from the strategically-located Media he would be in position to keep an eye both an them and events in the capital, Babylon. Perdiccas perhaps realized that this would make Peithon too powerful by half,  and be raising up a potential rival. So he granted him his wish, though he divided the large satrapy of Media into two;  giving northwestern mountainous portion to his own father-in-law, Atropates. As a Persian he could be no rival, and as family he could be trusted to keep an eye on his ambitious neighbor, Peithon. A neat solution all around. (Later, during the chaos of the wars that were coming, Atropates would found the independent kingdom of Atropatene out of his satrapy; the future region known as Azerbaijan).

Eumenes, whose diplomatic skills had prevented an early civil war, was given the satrapy of Cappadocia. Alexander had left a satrap in charge as he passed through, early in the Persian campaign. However, Ariarathes, son of a former Persian satrap of Cappadocia and a general of Darius, had seized power there sometime around 330 BC; perhaps while Alexander was occupied in the pursuit of Darius after Gaugamela. He had declared himself king, and had even expanded his realm in the intervening years. It was now time to restore Macedonian authority to this strategic region in the heart of Anatolia; and Eumenes was given the mission to defeat Ariarathes and subdue the satrapy. He was to be aided in this endeavor by both Leonnatus and Antigonus, from their respective satrapies. Ultimately, each of these had their own agendas, and Perdiccas would have to take a hand himself.

ArgyraspidesFinally Seleucus, commander of the “Silver Shields” (the Argyraspides, which included the Foot Guard, the Agema), who must have been instrumental in the arrest of Meleager and his followers, was promoted to command of the Companion Cavalry corps. (A nearly hollow honor, as it turned out. Many of these soon dispersed to enlist in the cavalry guard of various Macedonian satraps, as these enlisted private armies for the coming struggles.) His place as commander of the Argyraspides was taken by the senior taxiarch of the phalanx, Antigenes.

Then, in or around September of 323, two events occurred that would shake-up and reset the chessboard.

Roxane gave birth to a son. He was named for his father, and ultimately minted coins as Alexander IV. The royal infant was presented to the army, and was acclaimed by the soldiers as co-king with his uncle, Arrhidaeus. Now there would be two royal pawns upon the board to manipulate.

From Greece came much more disturbing news: The Greeks, led by Athens and Aetolia, had proclaimed themselves as free of Macedonian rule. Worse, Antipater had moved against them and been defeated near Thermopylae. The old general had retreated north, to Lamia at the edge of the Malian plain. Now he was held up inside,  blockaded by a Greek army.

The domination of Greece, a cornerstone of Macedonian power, was in jeopardy of crumbling.


1. Quintus Curtius Rufus, 10.6.8

2. Ibid, 10.6.16-17

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  2. Michael says:

    That’s a very readable summary of what is a complicated source tradition involving the Babylonian Settlement. Poor old Meleaghros was, like Polyperchon, an “average Joe” as a military talent; never equipped to rise above his station as taxiarch. His misreading of Perdikkas is instructive. The Settlement came about as it did because of Alexander’s encouragement of “competition” and mistrust amongst his senior officers – a policy Heckel has neatly coined “the politics of mistrust”.

    Perdikkas was, prior to Alexander’s death, the chiliarch – a position he succeeded Hephaistion in as you note. In the final stage (of three) of the Settlement, he became epemilites or regent. Seleukos was appointed as his chiliarch. This position was second to the king in the command of the armed forces and amounted to command of the Companion cavalry (the “first hipparchy” being Hephaistion’s – Dod. 18.3.4).

    Now, just what Seleukos’ position was prior his appointment as chiliarch is an involved question. Heckel sees him as commander of the ‘royal hypaspists’ which he equates with the agema. Ptolemy is given “a third part” of the royal hypaspists in India (Arr. 4.24.10) which, as the robot in Lost in Space would say, “does not compute”. Perhaps the royal hyapspists are all those outside the agema (the ‘regular’ hypaspists) in which case Seleukos commands these (as he does at Hydaspes). Antigenes, if in command of hypaspists at Hydaspes as he would seem to be, would be a ‘chiliarch’ as the hypaspists are subdivided into units of that name and chiliarchs are named. But nothing is certain here other than that there were chiliarchs of the hypaspists. Not to be confused with Heph’s Chiliarchy.

    Ptolemy spoke rather for himself: not in a position to claim precedence it served his interests to divide the power so as it did not devolve onto one individual.This was the only way he secure a share; something he would not rest with as subsequent events show.

    Alexander’s catafalque was intended to go to Ammon – Siwa – as the sources dealing with the Babylonian Settlement concur. Perdikkas, as matters deteriorated, will have certainly wanted it to go the Macedonia – but only if he escorted it with the royal army. It was Perdikkas who altered the destination and most likely he ordered his flying column to meet it and secure in Damascus from where he would launch his assault on Egypt in spring 320.

    Keep up the posts Barry: it is great to see this very lively period of history being taken to the public. It is a far more fascinating period that Alexander’s conquests.

    • barrycjacobsen says:

      My take on the sources is that Seleukos was commander of all of the Hypaspists (including the Agema) from India till 323; when at Babylon he is appointed Chiliarch and commander of the (soon defunct) Companions. Antigenes is (as I interpret it) a taxiarch commanding Coenus’ former phalanx brigade (taxis). I believe he becomes commander of the Argyraspides (as the Hypaspists are by that time called) at Babylon, when Seleucus/Seleukos gets the bump to Chiliarch.

      • Michael says:

        As I say: clear as mud. Seleuokos commands only ‘royal’ hypaspists at Hydaspes and there are “other hypaspists placed according to the rotation of commands for the day”. The infantry in the initial skirmish (with the son of Poros) and the initial part of the main battle can only have been hypaspists and lights (almost 6,000 according to Arrian, twice). But that’s something of a long and technical digression. IF the ‘royal’ hypaspists are the hypaspists not of the agema, Seleukos commands the lot but is not actually recorded as doing so. The text as received indicates a subgroup (thus Heckel equates them with the agema and that Arrian has messed this up). The whole reporting – but especially this – of the the battle is not very satisfactory. I believe a corruption in the text has taken place somewhere along the line.

        The catafalque was certainly to go to Siwa at the time of the Babylonian Settlement. The argument of Anson that Diodorus has it wrong and that it always was to go to Macedonia requires the explaining away of explicit source testimony to the contrary. His reasons are not convincing. Nor is Badian when he says that Perdikkas ordered (in 320) that it remain in Babylon.

  3. barrycjacobsen says:

    An interesting discussion, Michael. I think that first of all, regardless of what Alexander may have wished, it is unlikely that Perdiccas planned on sending the catafalque and Alexander’s corpse to Siwa. To bury their king anywhere but back in their native Macedon, among the bodies of his ancestors, would have been unthinkable to the Macedonians. Perdiccas would have had to have had their acceptance for burial at Siwa; something he never asked (or at least we have no record of) nor would have received. Consider the prejudice of the average Macedonians against Alexander’s “Asian ways”, his Persian phalangites and “Kinsmen”, and even the expressed hostility to the idea of being ruled by his half-Persian son. I don’t believe they would have countenanced burial at Siwa.
    Besides, why would Ptolemy hijack the body at Damascus if it was bound for Egypt anyway?

    • Michael says:

      Intetesting indeed. Too much, I think, is made of Macedonian conservatism. Diodorus illustrates the hypomnemata cancelled and Alexander’s burial is not amongst the examples. Whilst not exhaustive, Philip’s tomb is mentioned. Anson claims that burial was cancelled and Diodorus fails to record it and later confuses matters with his visit to Egypt. This is silence against explicit source testimony to the contrary (Diod., Justin, Curtius).

      Anyhow, too difficult on a phone. My view, summarised for a general audience, can be found in Ancient Warfare: https://www.academia.edu/4055820/A_War_for_Alexander

      • Michael says:

        The body of Alexander was not on the way to Egypt. Perdikkas had, at the last minute, decided to have it come to him. As he was moving south from Psidia in the early spring of 320 on his way to confront Ptolemy, he sent a column to secure it and take it to Damascus for it was from here that he would launch the actual invasion (and an army was coming from Macedon in his rear). Ptolemy, in collusion with Arrhidaeos, had already diverted it towards Damascus. He met it somewhere near to the city before Polemon and Attalos could reach it. Perdikkas was now “even more determined” to do away with Ptolemy.

        The sources dealing with this:

        Diod. 18.3.5: “The transportation of the body of the deceased king and the preparation of the vehicle that was to carry the body to Ammon they assigned to Arrhidaeus”.

        Justin 13.4.6: “…and king Arrhidaeus was commissioned to convey the body of Alexander to the temple of Zeus Ammon”. (Typically confusing the two bearers of the name).

        Curtius 10.5.4: “He bade his friends draw near since, by now, even his voice had started to fail, and then took his ring from his finger and handed it to Perdiccas. He also gave instructions that they should have his body transported to Ammon”.

        On Ptolemy’s corpse-jack, the following strongly points to the hearse’s original destination:

        Diod. 18.28.3: “Ptolemy, moreover, doing honour to Alexander, went to meet it with an army as far as Syria, and, receiving the body, deemed it worthy of the greatest consideration. He decided for the present not to send it to Ammon, but to entomb it in the city that had been founded by Alexander himself…”

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  8. Edmund says:

    Very interesting, but it is surely just intelligent speculation that Stateira was pregnant. No ancient source says so. Nor does the only source on her death (Plutarch) say it was the same day as Alexander’s. Doesn’t the fact that a letter had to be forged and sent to deceive her into coming suggest some time passed? In which case, if she were pregnant, why did none of Alexander’s generals mention this to the army?

    • barrycjacobsen says:

      Intelligent speculation, indeed. There is little reason for Roxanne (who certainly was pregnant) to feel threatened by Stateira if she, too, were not “with child”. There was no attempt to kill Alexander’s other wife (Parysatis), or his former mistress Barsine (who may have already given birth to a son of Alexander’s, Heracles). Stateira was a threat only in that she too could produce a royal heir.

      As for how much time passed between the death of Alexander and Stateira’s murder: Luring her to Babylon with a false letter from Alexander would only have worked if word of the king’s death had not yet spread to Susa. As news travels fast, and bad news faster, it is certain that this false letter must have gone out even before Alexander was fully dead; perhaps days before. Because when Stateira and her escorts arrived in Babylon (certainly not sooner than a week later, considering travel time from Susa to Babylon; and that royal women and their entourage of eunuchs and ladies could only travel so fast) they somehow didn’t realize the city was in mourning and turmoil over Alexander’s death. This seems incredible on the face of it. The only rational explanation is that Roxanne sent for Stateira earlier than Alexander’s death; and that she arrived perhaps a day or more before his passing. Somehow, if the story is true that she was lured to a private garden in the palace complex, thinking she was meeting Alexander; then she would have had to have been kept ignorant of the seriousness of his illness. I find it hardly credible that her own eunuchs would not have learned very quickly upon arriving in the palace, from other palace eunuchs, that the king was dead or dying.
      In any case, the story is hard to fathom. It doesn’t hold up when scrutinized.

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