DIADOCHI – MACEDONIAN GAME OF THRONES (PART 6): AMAZON QUEENS AND STOLEN CORPSES

Long before George R.R. Martin penned his tale of war, intrigue and treachery the ancient world was scene to its own version of The Game of Thrones.

(This is the sixth in a series concerning the Wars of the Diadochi. Part 1 can be read here,and includes comprehensive biographies of the players in this drama. It is strongly advised that you start there before reading on here. Or you can read the previous installment here. Stay tuned to this blog for future installments! Special thanks to Michael Park for his indispensable help in filling in the gaps in the sources and putting-up with my incessant questions!)

THE AMAZON AND THE IDIOT

Philip II, father of Alexander, married at least four times; as well as having multiple concubines. His first (or perhaps second) wife was an Illyrian princess Audata, daughter of king Bardylis, whom he took after his victories in 358 BC to cement the peace between Macedon and the Illyrian Dardanians^[1].  We know very little of Audata but her name and heritage, and that she took the royal Macedonian queenly name of Eurydice after their union. However, she was soon supplanted as Philip’s primary queen by Olympias the Molossian princess, mother of Alexander. Audata bore a daughter by Philip, Cynane. She may have died either in childbirth or shortly after, because she soon disappears from the record.

This half-sister of Alexander grew up at the Macedonian court. But for her gender she might have been another great warrior-ruler like her half-brother; for Cynane seems to have been a true-life amazon, as was not uncommon among her mother’s people^[2]. When only a girl (perhaps 14) Cynane accompanied her father, king Philip, on campaign against the Illyrians, during which she killed the  Illyrian warrior queen Caeria in battle “with a fatal blow to the throat”^[3].

When she was 17 or 18 years old, about 340, Cynane was married to Philip’s nephew, her cousin Amyntas son of Perdiccas. This Macedonian prince was the son of Philip’s older brother, whose death in battle had left Philip as regent for the five-year-old Amyntas^[4]. There marriage was of short duration, as Alexander had her husband executed upon taking the Macedonian throne in 359. Thereafter, Cynane left the court to raise their only child, a daughter named Adea, away from the court of Pella on an isolated estate. Thereafter she refused further marriages, preferring to stay the widow of Amyntas and raising her daughter in the Illyrian warrior traditions. Reared like a boy, Adea was taught hunting, weapon-craft, and the science of war; and proved to be as bold as her mother: a true Amazon princess.

In spring of 321, possibly at the time when Craterus and Antipater were occupied with the preparations for their campaign against the Aetolians (see below) Cynane made her first (and, as it was to prove, only) move on the great chessboard of Macedonian imperial politics. Taking her daughter with her, the wealthy princess  left her estate bound for the royal court in Asia, with the intent of presenting her 14-year-old daughter Adea to the girl’s half-uncle, King Philip Arrhidaeus, as a prospective bride. Accompanied by an escort of mercenary soldiers paid from her own purse, she reached the River Strymon near Amphipolis; where she found an armed force sent by Antipater to stop her crossing^[5]. But by sheer force of personality (and perhaps the unwillingness of the soldiers to lay violent hands upon the daughter and granddaughter of their beloved Philip) she pushed past this obstacle.

Cynane’s move on the board was a dangerous gambit on her part, as it ran contrary to the plans of Perdiccas the Regent (see Part 5); who at even at this early point may have been planning to marry Cynane’s half-sister, the princess Cleopatra, and take the throne for himself. Perdiccas may also have been cognizant that any son produced by such a union (Philip Arrhidaeus and Adea) would have a very strong claim to the throne, provided the mentally deficient king could indeed father children; superseding that of Alexander IV, child of Alexander and the “barbarian” Roxane. As Perdiccas was aligned more closely with this side of the royal family (Olympias, Cleopatra, Roxane, and Alexander IV) such a shift in power was contrary to his interests.

So, having crossed the Hellespont, the royal amazons and their entourage were met outside Sardis by Perdiccas’ hot-headed brother Alcetus, commanding a strong force of Macedonian soldiers, sent to stop and send them back home to Macedon.

Like his brother, Alcetus was a prince of highland  Orestis in upper Macedonia. Much like the highland nobility of Scotland, the Macedonian highland lords were arrogant, harsh, possessed of a prickly temperament and touchy of their honor. Or, to use a “Game of Thrones” analogy, like the bannerman of the North: one doesn’t expect tact or soft words from an Umber. Brother of the powerful Regent and satrap of recently conquered Pisidia, the high-handed Alcetus was exactly the wrong person to handle the delicate diplomatic challenge posed by Philip’s amazon daughter in a tactful manner.

Romm has suggested that Cynane and Alcetus had grown up together in the royal palace of Pella (he as a page to her father, King Philip) and must have been well-acquainted^[6]. Under other circumstances their reunion might have been a pleasant one. But now their interests were diametrically opposed.

Meeting on the road, Alcetus and his troops blocked their passage. Cynane stated boldly, before “the fierce array of armed Macedonians”^[7]  her mission, that Philip’s grand-daughter should be queen of Macedon. Alcetus threatened her life if she did not stand-down from her demand. Berating him in front of his men, Cynane denounced him for his “treachery toward the blood of Philip”.^[8]

(Alcetus’ Macedonian soldiers) at first paused at the sight of Philippus’ daughter, and the sister of Alexander; but after reproaching Alcetas with ingratitude, undaunted at the number of his forces, and his formidable preparations for battle, she bravely advanced to fight against him. She resolved upon a glorious death, rather than, stripped of her dominions, accept a private life, unworthy of the daughter of Philippus.^[9]

Tragedy ensued, and in the resulting scuffle Cynane was slain, perhaps by Alcetus himself. Instantly, the Macedonian soldiery were shocked and then outraged, that a daughter of the royal house had been so foully murdered. They took the 14-year-old Adea under their protection, “howling with rage”^[10] against Alcetus and threatening mutiny if her mother’s last wishes were not immediately implemented.

Thanks to his brother’s shortsighted violence Perdiccas now had no choice but to reverse himself and acquiesced to the soldier’s demand. The good will of the Macedonian soldiers must be maintained at all cost. Adea’s marriage to her uncle, King Philip Arrhidaeus, was hastily arranged. The redoubtable Cynane had made her move, and sacrificed herself to “queen” her pawn.

Raised “in the manly arts” of hunting and fighting, Adea/Eurydice may well have seen herself as an amazon warrior, such as often depicted in contemporary Greek art such as on this potter shard

Thus a new player now joined the game. Though not yet 15 years old Adea was ready for the role she was destined to play in the game, and it would be a compelling one. She took the royal name of Eurydice, as did her grandmother Philip’s Illyrian bride. It is by this name that she will henceforth be referred.

Eurydice had, understandably, grown intoxicated by the power of being the darling of the Macedonian soldiery. In this role the young Amazon thrived, and attempted to use this and her close relationship with her “idiot” husband, Philip, to advance herself to the top of the game.^[11]  From the beginning she became a thorn in the side of whoever had guardianship of the kings; presuming to speak for her husband and bristling at the authority of mere generals, she of royal blood on both sides. Raised like a man, she seems to have seen no reason she should not be a queen-regnant and lead the Macedonian soldiers (who adored her) as king in all but name.

Carved figurine thought to be Philip II, from the royal Macedonian tomb at Vergina (ancient Aigai). There is controversy surrounding the exact occupants of Tomb 1 at the site. It may be Philip’s tomb, but it could alternatively be the tomb of Philip III Arrhidaeus and Eurydice. In either case, as Arrhidaeus strongly resembled his father this image could represent either king in middle age; and how Arrhidaeus would have looked at the time of his marriage to Eurydice.

The amazon princess seems to have quickly won the trust and affection of her husband. While much older than her, he had the mind of a child. It is possible but doubtful that their relationship was a sexual one; but it certainly seems to have been one of affectionate loyalty on both of their parts. She was the senior partner in all matters, and through him attempted to play “the game of thrones” to their mutual advantage.

Before concluding this chapter in the tale something needs be noted regarding the attitude and motivation of the Macedonian soldiers, rank-and-file, who placed Eurydice on the throne beside Philip Arrhidaeus.

The common soldier was for the most part unconcerned with the political machinations of their leaders and the grandees who played this game of thrones. But these hardened veterans who comprised the “Macedonian people in arms” were, by legal right under Macedonian tradition, the arbiters of who sat the throne. While their power was very nearly absolute, each Macedonian king was elected upon the death of his predecessor by the Macedonian army. In practice the candidate must come from the royal family, the Argeads (or Temenidae). The loyalty of the Macedonians to their royal house was nearly unshakable. In all their actions the rank-and-file sought to serve their king and the royal house as best they could see it. Any player in the great game had to take into account that the soldiers, at this stage, were loyal not to their generals but to the king(s); and obeyed their leaders only so far as these leaders appeared to be acting in the name or interests of the royal house.

Ancient Sardis, site of much of the initial intrigues that led to the First War of the Diadochi

In the case of Cynane and Adea/Eurydice, the Macedonian soldiers acted out of loyalty to these lesser branches of the royal tree, over that of the Regent. They were outraged by Alcetus’ slaying of Cynane, daughter of Philip; and it is surprising he was not himself lynched on the spot. This loyalty and willingness to disobey what they considered an “unlawful” order that went against what they perceived as the good of the royal house trumped military discipline and the chain of command. Despite leading them to victory in Cappadocia (the first victorious campaign since the death of Alexander) and against the Pisidians, Perdiccas’ authority was still dependent upon his position as regent for the kings. In so far as the soldiers thought he acted in the interest of the royal house, he had their conditional obedience, but not their love. That, they reserved for their kings; and particularly their personal choice, Philip Arrhidaeus and now his spirited young queen!

Servants and defenders of the royal house, the Macedonian soldiers here as at Babylon “united in opposition to their general’s wrongdoings and around the future of the royal house and their king”^[12]. It was a pattern that would repeat itself in the coming years of strife; and the player in the game, no matter how hitherto successful, who forgot where their loyalty truly lay would pay for that mistake dearly.

THE POT BOILS OVER

Perdiccas was now forced to reassess his position. The Cynane incident had shown how tenuous  his position was with the army, shaken his control of the kings (particularly Arrhidaeus) and perhaps the loyalty of some of his top officers. Themselves ambitious men, some of these perhaps now smelled a hint of blood in the water.  At a council of his chief philoi (“friends”, his inner circle of advisers) Eumenes again argued against the decision to marry Antipater’s daughter Nicaea. Instead, the Cardian, representing the interests of Queen Olympias in Epirus, pushed for marriage to the princess Cleopatra, Alexander’s sister. Alcetus had argued for caution: doing so would certainly bring war with Antipater and Craterus (the “Europeans”). It is perhaps a sign of Perdiccas’ distrust of his chief military lieutenants, Seleucus (who was nominally second-in-command to the Regent), Peithon satrap of Media, and Antigenes who commanded the elite Silver Shields guards brigade that they seem to have taken either a subsidiary role or none at all in this debate.

Actor Neil Jackson as Perdiccas in 2004 film, “Alexander”

Perdiccas now (or perhaps earlier) ordered Alexander’s body brought north from Babylon, where it had lain in state since the conqueror’s death. Though Alexander’s last will had specified that his body be laid to rest at the Oasis of Siwah, home to the ancient oracle of Amon Ra, for reasons of his own ambitions Perdiccas now wanted to personally take the king’s body back to be buried instead in Macedon, at the royal burial site at Aigai. Perdiccas (with Alexander’s sister Cleopatra at his side) would escort the dead kings body home, perhaps with the late king’s mother Olympias coming to meet them from Epirus. In Macedonian tradition a king buried his predecessor and gave the funeral oration. With Alexander’s mother and sister beside him, Perdiccas laying Alexander to rest in the ancient tombs of the Argead kings was powerful symbolism; which he would use as opportunity to put aside the two kings, “idiot” and infant, and proclaim himself king in Macedon.

Vergina, Greece, the site of ancient Aigai, earliest capital of the Macedonian kingdom and site of the royal burial grounds of the Argead kings (above). It was here that Alexander buried his father, Philip II, and the Regent Perdiccas planned to bring the body of the conqueror from Babylon. The tombs were pillaged over time by successive invaders; but still managed to yield up valuable archaeological treasures in recent years. In 1976 a team of archaeologist under the leadership of  Manolis Andronikos discovered what is thought to be the tomb of either Philip II or of Philip III. Several other royal tombs at Vergina have been uncovered since. 

But while waiting, Perdiccas decided to settle one last piece of business in Asia Minor; to tie off one loose thread.

Antigonas.

The old one-eyed satrap of Phrygia had been independent too long. He had disobeyed Perdiccas orders earlier to aid Eumenes in the conquest of Cappadocia, and Perdiccas suspected his loyalty. Antigonas was summoned to appear, a list of charges having been prepared against him.

Sean Connery as Antigonas “One-Eyed”, as a young soldier in Philip’s service to aging “Diadochi”

With the gruesome fate of others who had recently crossed the Regent fresh in his mind, Antigonas decided his best chance of survival lay in fleeing to the only power capable of nay-saying Perdiccas: Antipater and Craterus in Greece.

Crossing the Aegean, he traveled to wild Aetolia in the west, where Craterus was leading the European’s forces in the final stages of their campaign to crush the Aetolians.

Aetolia is a land of forests and mountains, perfect terrain for sturdy and independent hill tribesmen. The Aetolian League was still some years in the future, but even at this early date the Aetolian towns and cantons had banded together in matters of foreign policy. Much like the later Swiss, they had hitherto resisted conquest or dominance by their more “civilized” Greek neighbors. The Athenian general Demosthenes, the best of Athenian commanders in the early years of the Second Peloponnesian War, had been sent packing when he tried to subdue the Aetolians in 426 BC.

They were a notorious hard nut to crack.

But during the Lamian War they had sided with Macedon’s enemies, and noW Antipater and his new son-in-law Craterus were at last bringing them to heel.

They came with a considerable force, victorious veterans of the Lamian war. The Europeans had the largest number of Macedonian infantry (phalangites) of all the armies under service in 321, a very formidable force indeed. Diodorus states:

At this time Antipater and Craterus had taken the field against the Aetolians with thirty thousand infantry and twenty-five hundred cavalry; for of those who had taken part in the Lamian War, the Aetolians alone were left unconquered.^[13]

The scrappy Aetolians were not daunted by the armament coming against them. In true hill tribesmen fashion they abandoned those villages and towns in the valleys that could not be defended, strongly garrisoned those well fortified, and took to the remote hills:

….gathering together all who were in the full vigor of manhood to the number of ten thousand, they retired to the mountainous and rough places, in which they placed the children, the women, and the old, together with the greater part of their wealth. The cities that could not be defended they abandoned, but those that were particularly strong they secured, each with a considerable garrison, and boldly awaited the approach of the enemy.^[14]

The Macedonians were past-masters at mountain warfare; much of their native land being highland regions. But the Aetolians initially gave as good as they got, repelling Macedonian incursions into their hills with losses. Though the narrative doesn’t specifically state it, the fortified towns were either blockaded or captured. It is likely that the younger Craterus, who had spent many years under Alexander campaigning against hill tribes in Anatolia, Persia, and Bactria (Afghanistan) took the lead in these operations; as the vigorous “Old Rope” Antipater was pushing 77 years old.

The rugged and beautiful landscape of Aetolia provided perfect refuge for its defenders and a graveyard for would-be conquerors. Here Craterus and Antipater campaigned in 321 BC 

As the winter of 321-320 came on, the Aetolians expected the Macedonian forces to withdraw to friendly territory. In this expectation they were dismayed, when Craterus constructed shelters for his troops to winter in Aetolia, preventing the hill-men from coming down from the high places. Faced with the prospect of starvation through the winter, their prospects looked grim. Capitulation seemed a certainty.

Then Antigonas arrived, bringing ominous news from Asia.

Far from being prepared to accept Craterus in Asia as a partner in the Regency for the two kings, as specified in the original Babylon settlement of 323, Antigonas informed his old comrade Antipater and Craterus that Perdiccas was preparing to march into Macedonia to deprive them both of their independent commands.  Worse he would first repudiate his marriage to Antipater’s daughter and marry instead the princess Cleopatra, paving his way to the throne. He also told them of the pitiful fate of Cynane at the hands of Perdiccas’ brother. This spurred the Europeans into action:

Craterus and Antipater, dumbfounded by the unexpected news, met in council with their commanders. When the situation had been presented for deliberation, it was unanimously decided to make peace with the Aetolians on whatever terms were possible, to transport the armies with all speed to Asia, to assign the command of Asia to Craterus and that of Europe to Antipater, and also to send an embassy to Ptolemy to discuss concerted action…^[15]

An armistice was hastily made with the Aetolians, while plans were made to move against Perdiccas.

PTOLEMY MAKES HIS MOVE

For two years the body of Alexander had waited in Babylon for his funeral carriage to be completed, which would in turn carry his body to its final resting place. What that would be is disputed to this day. Diodorus claims that the leaders agreed in Babylon that the body should be interned at the Temple of Ammon at the oasis of Siwah, in accordance with late king’s own wishes. But Perdiccas had other ideas.

The funeral carriage was now ready, and the body of the dead conqueror, lying in a sarcophagus of hammered gold and preserved “with spices such as could make the body sweet-smelling and incorruptible”  could begin its journey.

The funeral carriage, or catafalque, prepared over two years, was truly a thing of wonder. Diodorus describes it so:

At the top of the carriage was built a vault of gold, eight cubits wide and twelve long, covered with overlapping scales set with precious stones. Beneath the roof all along the work was a rectangular cornice of gold, from which projected heads of goat-stags in high relief. Gold rings two palms broad were suspended from these, and through the rings there ran a festive garland beautifully decorated in bright colors of all kinds. At the ends there were tassels of network suspending large bells, so that any who were approaching heard the sound from a great distance. On each corner of the vault on each side was a golden figure of Victory holding a trophy. The colonnade that supported the vault was of gold with Ionic capitals. Within the colonnade was a golden net, made of cords the thickness of a finger…^[16]

Golden tablets showed various martial scenes from Alexander’s life. This magnificent carriage, upon which Alexander’s golden sarcophagus would lie, was pulled by “sixty-four mules, selected for their strength and size. Each of them was crowned with a gilded crown, each had a golden bell hanging by either cheek, and about their necks were collars set with precious stones.”^[17]

Two artist’s images of Alexander’s splendid funeral cart

On its journey the funeral carriage would be accompanied by a small army of engineers, wheelwrights, blacksmiths, muleteers and sutlers,  and workmen to make repairs along the way to the road it must pass over, and to fix any damage to the carriage itself. It was to be escorted by Arrhidaeus, the officer who had been in charge of the preparation of the catafalque and a force of troops sent by Perdiccas.

As it traveled west, people along the way stopped to gaze in wonder. Crowds followed this moving temple to the fallen conqueror, who was already being worshiped as a god. Diodorus tells us that “from every city into which it came the whole people went forth to meet it and again escorted it on its way out, not becoming sated with the pleasure of beholding it.”^[18]

In July of 321, near Damascus, Ptolemy met the funeral procession with a force of cavalry. It may be that Arrhidaeus colluded with Ptolemy in this. Perdiccas’ troops were scattered, and Alexander’s catafalque and the royal corpse within was taken. Ptolemy brought the body of the conqueror back to Egypt. But not to bury it at Siwah, as Alexander had wanted. Instead, he kept it at his temporary provincial capital at ancient Memphis; within sight of the pyramids. Ultimately he planned to house it at his new city of Alexandria at the Nile’s mouth, then still under construction.

Possession of Alexander’s body was Ptolemy’s way of proclaiming himself, in one sense, the conqueror’s heir. In time a story was circulated, from the Ptolemaic court, that Philip II was Ptolemy’s actual father; making him Alexander’s half-brother. This was another way of attaching himself and the dynasty he would found to the magic of Alexander’s name and legacy. With the body housed in the city named for him, the Ptolemies were saying to the Hellenic World that Alexandria was the one true capital of Alexander’s empire and themselves his heirs.

Alexander’s corpse would eventually rest in the city that bore his name, the magnificent Alexandria-in-Egypt. In 321 the city was still under construction, and the body was taken temporarily to Memphis

But that was still in the future. For now, in 321, this theft of the royal corpse was the ultimate act of defiance against the authority of the Regent. It was not the first.

Ptolemy had been given Egypt as his satrapy at the Babylonian settlement in 323 (see Part 2). When he arrived he relieved Alexander’s former satrap, the Greek Cleomenes; who stayed on as his deputy (and likely Perdiccas’ spy).^[19] In 322 Ptolemy brought Cleomenes up on charges of financial malfeasance, and after executing him confiscated Cleomenes’ accumulated wealth, which amounted to 8000 talents. (It is not clear if this huge amount was his personal, ill-gotten fortune or money in the provincial treasury Cleomenes had raised during his stewardship.  This large sum allowed Ptolemy to raise a force of mercenaries, some 8,000 strong. His popularity with the Macedonian soldiers, dating back to when he was an officer of Alexander’s, was also attracting to Egypt a number of officers and rankers seeking employment in his private satrapal army.

None of which events went unnoticed by Perdiccas, who watched these activities with suspicion.

In 323 civil strife broke out in the Greek city-state of Cyrene in western Libya, between democratic and oligarchical factions. Cyrene was an ally of the empire, a useful buffer between the Macedonian satrapy of Egypt and the Carthaginian Empire to the west. The oligarchs appealed to Ptolemy for help. In 322 he responded by sending his general, the Macedonian Ophellas, with a force to intervene. Cyrene was occupied, and annexed to Ptolemy’s Egypt. This without ever petitioning the kings (through their regent, Perdiccas) for permission.

Actor Elliot Cowan as Ptolemy in 2004’s “Alexander”

From Perdiccas’ perspective, Ptolemy had for two years been thumbing his nose at the Regent’s authority. The theft of Alexander’s corpse was the final straw. The gauntlet was thrown down, and Perdiccas had either to declare the popular Ptolemy an outlaw or resign his authority as regent.

Perdiccas chose the former.

The stage was set for war. The First War of the Diadochi had begun. It was the beginning of a struggle that would last, with but brief intermissions, for fourty years. It would rage across Alexander’s empire, engaging its full military resources. The initial struggle would pit Perdiccas, as representative of the central authority, against on the one hand the “Europeans”,  Antipater and  Craterus (and, in a supporting role, Antigonas), and against their junior partner Ptolemy in Egypt.

The Europeans were already marshaling their forces to cross into Asia. Perdiccas decided to deal with Ptolemy, the junior partner, first.

NEXT: PERDICCAS INVADES EGYPT

NOTES

1. Philip was also married early in his life to a Elimiot princess named Phila. This union produced no children, and their is no record of what became of this wife, or whether or not she preceded or followed Audata in the list of his wives. There is also dispute as to the timing of Philip’s marriage to Audata; whether it was before or after his victory over her father.
2. Amazon-like warrior women are far more common in myths and legends than in real history. Physiology works strongly against women in all competitive physical activities vis-a-vis men; and this is particularly true in warfare. Men are just by-and-large stronger and faster than women. But there are exceptions, and certainly warrior-maidens must have existed. Illyria in particular seems to have produced a culture that encouraged and engendered fighting females.
3. Polyaenus VIII, 60
4. Amyntas was briefly titular king of Macedon, and is thus reckoned as Amyntas IV. But within a year of assuming the regency and guardianship of the boy king, Philip defeated the Illyrians and avenged Perdiccas’ death; and was hailed by the Macedonians as their king. Thereafter Philip took care of his nephew, raising the boy at court. But there was no further talk of his accession to his father’s throne.
5. Though it is sometimes stated that Antipater waited at the Strymon to stop her, it is impossible to believe that the stern and implacable “Old Rope” could have been there in person and yet allowed her to pass. Almost certainly a mere lieutenant commanded the force sent to hinder her passage, one Cynane was able to over-awe in a way she never could have Antipater himself.
6. Romm, James, Ghost on the Throne: The Death of Alexander the Great and the Bloody Fight for His Empire; Alfred A. Knopf Publishing, 2011, p. 146
7. Macurdy, Grace Harriet, Hellenistic Queens: A Study of Woman-Power in Macedonia, Seleucid Syria, and Ptolemaic Egypt, John Hopkins University Press, 1932; p. 51-52.
8. Arrian, Successors I, 22-24
9. Polyaenus VIII, 60
10. Macurdy, Hellenistic Queens; p. 50
11. Bosworth unkindly referred to their union as that of an “amazon and an idiot”. As previously discussed Philip III Arrhidaeus  was very possibly autistic, if not brain damaged by some childhood trauma. It was suggested by ancient sources hostile to her that Olympias may have deranged the little prince with the steady applications of some toxin, in order to remove a rival to her son. While this would not have been out of character for that Medea-like harridan, it is just as likely that the boy was born with some version of autism. Arrhidaeus comes down in the history as a very sad and sympathetic character; used by those he relied upon for their own ends.
12. Roisman, Joseph, Alexander’s Veterans and the Early Wars of the Successors; University of Texas Press, 2012; p. 106
13. Dio, XVIII, 24, 1
14. Dio, XVIII, 24, 2
15. Dio, XVIII, 25, 4
16. Dio, XVIII, 26, 5-6
17. Dio, XVIII, 27, 5
18. Dio, XVIII, 28, 1
19. It has been argued, perhaps correctly, that Cleomenes was merely nomarch of one of the districts in Egypt, rather than the provincial satrap.

Some of the artwork in this article has been reproduced with the permission of Osprey Publishing, and is © Osprey Publishing, part of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc.
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